Book: The Theory of Japan's National Polity and Pure Socialism: Volume 5

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🔻 BOOK DATA - The Theory of Japan's National Polity and Pure Socialism

Title: The Theory of Japan's National Polity and Pure Socialism: Volume 5

Author: Ikki Kita (1883-1937)

ISBN: 9789887115212

Language: English

Publisher: Ryota Nakanishi

(June 25, 2025)

This constitutes the inaugural English translation of Ikki Kita's seminal work, The Theory of Japan's National Polity and Pure Socialism (1906), alternatively entitled Kokutairon and Pure Socialism. The fifth volume of this series contains the final three chapters from Part IV. The full text is an analysis and commentary on socialism. The text places particular emphasis on Ikki Kita's theoretical contributions, particularly in the areas of economic justice, social democracy, and the interplay between socialism and the Japanese national polity. The complete translation of the original book, comprising five volumes, is available on a global scale. 

The subsequent assertion has been proffered by the publisher of the aforementioned publication:

Following the publication in June 2025 of the first and complete English translation of The Theory of Japan's National Polity and Pure Socialism (1906), it is the translator's responsibility to further elaborate on several points regarding the content and to simultaneously review the following matters. 

1.     The original length of the text is 998 pages, excluding the index. The paperback version (July, 2025) of the same English translation has been published separately, and the total length of the series is 1,150 pages. This volume encompasses all revisions by Ikki Kita, and the most salient aspect is that Ikki Kita's works generally lack footnotes. Consequently, the translator/editor has added footnotes and updated the content to the present day for the benefit of the reader.

2.     It is therefore recommended that those who have a strong command of the Japanese language consult Ikki Kita's original texts to gain insight into his distinctive approach, touch, usage, and style. Therefore, it is my position that the premodern era Meiji writing style of Ikki Kita should not be translated into the modern, postwar era Japanese. Nevertheless, this does not imply an opposition to the modernization of Japanese texts, provided that such efforts are solely intended to facilitate the comprehension of the original works by contemporary readers. My inclination is toward the original texts. Furthermore, given that my primary focus is on the international stage, I am not compelled to concern myself with Japanese publications. 

3.     The concept of the so-called "modern" differs according to each society or country. Russia's "modern" era, which is conventionally dated to the October Revolution of 1917 rather than 1901, marked a significant turning point in the nation's history. In contrast, Japan's "modern" era, which commenced at the conclusion of World War II, was profoundly influenced by the democratization efforts of the GHQ. These developments, particularly the democratization policies implemented by the GHQ, played a crucial role in shaping Japan's post-war trajectory, thereby marking the onset of a new era in the country's history. The pivotal reform that transformed Japan into a modern capitalist society was the most effective land reform, ultimately eradicating feudalistic elements within society. This transformative event, regarded as a historical watershed, signified the emancipation of tenant farmers from the grasp of landlords through state-initiated acquisitions. The consequences of this reform were extensive, encompassing the dissolution of the feudal peerage and the negation of the political and economic autonomy of the royal families. Consequently, Japan has now entered into an eight-decade period referred to as the "modern era" (gendai). Conversely, the concept of "post-modernism" is a euphemistic term for neoliberal cultural manipulation or misguidance. While many intellectuals and businessmen continue to adhere to a predominantly modernist approach in practice, the term "post-modernism" is used to mask this fact. The contemporary era is characterized by the ongoing progression of capitalism. In essence, Ikki Kita occupied a liminal space between the premodern and modern eras. In this context, both the Freedom and People's Rights Movement (Jiyū Minken Undō, 1871-1889; its earliest form was about 90 resistance movements to conscription during 1871-1874) and Taishō Democracy (Taishō demokurashī, 1905-1932; this term was coined later) belong to the premodern era according to the class nature. 

4.     The ideological underpinnings of Ikki Kita are inextricably linked to the prevailing material conditions. The phenomenon of capitalist parasitism exhibited a notable congruence with the landlord system. The subjects of this study have been shown to have exploited each other's most despicable aspects and developed through close collusion; a collusion also reflected in the image of the bourgeoisie. According to the 1901 Jiji Shinpou (1882-1946), among the 441 individuals nationwide with assets exceeding 500,000 yen, 88 (20%) held titles in agriculture, forestry, or large-scale landownership. A significant proportion of the population consisted of former daimyo (nobility) (14%), as well as individuals engaged in commercial activities, particularly in the brewing industry, who also possessed considerable landholdings. The majority of these capitalists were both large landowners and capitalists. The ultimate magnates, who were both super-large landowners and super-large capitalists, were the imperial family. The Emperor himself served as the ideal model and representative of the magnates among his subjects. Moreover, the land reform/revolution and the abolition of peers can be considered as two democratic policies advocated by Ikki Kita (the unique personified continuation of the Freedom and People's Rights Movement) prior to the GHQ reforms. Indeed, the implementation of land reform has been identified as a pivotal factor in the dissolution of the peerage system, thereby establishing an inextricable link between the two concepts. The most contentious aspect pertains to the denial of the emperor's role as the state's proprietor. The state is not the private property of any individual, yet all individuals are part of it. This notion constitutes the fundamental basis for the subsequent characterization of Ikki Kita's ideology as subversive by the prevailing authorities throughout the years 1906 and 1937. This assessment was even extended to figures within the 'Imperial Way Faction,' such as Tomoyuki Yamashita (November 8, 1885–February 23, 1946), who explicitly disdained Kita, labeling him as a 'Communist' within the context of nationalistic ideology. The primary antagonism directed towards Ikki Kita by the established order stemmed from this "property" concept. The land reform, abolition of peers, and nationalization of imperial assets were inherently revolutionary during that period. The fundamental democratic value of Ikki Kita's thought is predicated on this premise. In the Kokutairon in 1906, Ikki Kita proposed universal suffrage as a solution to the prevailing issues. The comprehensive array of solutions was delineated in the Outline Plan in 1919. In any event, the Showa Restoration was finalized by the GHQ subsequent to the attainment of the three fundamental objectives — namely, the land reform, the abolition of the peerage, and the nationalization of imperial assets — previously enumerated.

5.     One of the origins of Kita's ideology can be traced back to the works of the military scholar and reformist Hayashi Shihei (August 6, 1738 - July 28, 1793), who pioneered a distinctive statism perspective. The eighteenth century signified the zenith of Japanese philosophy. In Sangoku Tsūran Zusetsu (An Illustrated Description of Three Countries, 1786), Hayashi stated that "Irrespective of rank or occupation, all citizens should defend Japan, not as supporters of the shogunate or individual domains, but as the unified people of Japan" (Hayashi, 1786, p. 100). This further elaborates that individual and state goals should be unified to create a strong nation. In contrast, contemporary interpretations of the state often equate it with governmental bureaucracy, ruling parties, or rulers. This underscores the necessity to revive the original conception of the state as an organic entity. 

6.     Additionally, unaddressed blind spots and discrepancies exist in Ikki Kita. A) The Freedom and People's Rights Movement underwent a shift in its ideological approach, transitioning from an initial stance that advocated for the expulsion of malefactors from the vicinity of the sovereign (approximately 1875-1876) to a more progressive stance that endorsed the legalization of the theory of the popular revolution and the right of resistance. B) Both the Freedom and People's Rights Movement and Ikki Kita advocated for domestic democratic reforms and the cultivation of amicable relations with the oppressed populations of Korea and China. C) In Ikki Kita’s writing, the initial Sino-Japanese War (1894-5) is a topic that is scarcely mentioned. Consequently, Japan did not export capital to China because its capitalism was underdeveloped. Instead, it facilitated British capital exports to China as part of a political agreement to gain support. Therefore, it did not constitute any form of liberation for other Asians. D) The social influence of the dominant rhetoric of Eastern Crisis (primarily the Russian invasion of the East) and the preoccupation with overpopulation in a small island country during 1891 and 1945 could not be escaped by either the Freedom and People's Rights Movement or Ikki Kita. E) The most significant development in Japan's political history during the late 19th century was the attainment of total independence in 1899, as evidenced by the enactment of the Anglo-Japanese Treaty of Commerce and Navigation. This pivotal event marked a significant shift in legal jurisdiction, wherein British subjects residing in Japan became subject to Japanese laws, superseding their former status under British legal authority. This treaty signified a historical precedent in the Asian context, as it was the first of its kind to be established in the region. F) The concept of "parliament democracy" or "party democracy" as enshrined in the Meiji Constitution is often perceived as a form of plutocracy, where the influence of the wealthy and powerful elite significantly impacts the political landscape. Privileged capitalists engaged in direct interactions with bureaucratic governments and party leaders. Nevertheless, the political influence of the general bourgeoisie and landowning class is institutionally expressed through parties and parliament. Consequently, the augmentation of their authority is evidenced by mounting pressure from various entities, including political actors and the legislative body, on the bureaucratic government. In the interwar period between the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 and World War II, the functionality of any cabinet was contingent on substantial backing from the House of Representatives. Furthermore, national security laws were firmly established in 1900. Despite frictions between capitalist parties and the bureaucracy, their aims were perfectly unified when they were opposed to popular movements, such as labor or communist ones. The "Chian keisatsu hō" (Public Safety Police Law or Peace Police Law) is a convenient example. This Japanese law, enacted in 1900, restricted the freedoms of speech, assembly, and association. It replaced the earlier Law on Assembly and Political Association. This law was subsequently deemed inadequate in addressing ideological threats, which resulted in the enactment of the more notorious Peace Preservation Law (Chian iji hō) in 1925. The Peace Order (Hoan Jorei) of 1877 signaled the conclusion of the Freedom and People's Rights Movement. It is evident that there are salient points in this category. Firstly, Ikki Kita was executed by the imperial order, not by the Peace Preservation Law (Chian iji hō). Secondly, Ikki Kita was a staunch opponent of censorship laws and national security laws. This opposition is elucidated in his Outline Plan, while such laws were utilized against the reformist and popular movements, in contrast to the fascists. It is an irrefutable fact that true fascists were staunch proponents of the Peace Preservation Law (Chian iji hō) and other such oppressive measures. In the late 19th-century context of Japan, the emergence of privately owned capitalist enterprises coincided with the predominance of state capital and the convergence of political and business elites. This convergence is exemplified by the prominent families, such as the Mitsui, Mitsubishi, Sumitomo, Shibusawa, and Furukawa, who engaged in collusive practices with the state. The realm of mechanical production was almost entirely monopolized by government-run military factories. While the primary railway lines were either state-owned and operated or semi-public entities, such as the Japan Railway Company, the "private" element referred to the nobility and political-business elites. In the context of maritime transport, the Nippon Yusen Kaisha (NYK Line), a corporation formed in 1885 through the merger of Mitsubishi Steamship Company (Mitsubishi Mail Steamship) and Mitsui's Kyodo Transport Company (the Kyodo Unyu (United Transport) company), exercised a dominant monopoly over oceanic trade routes. It is noteworthy that both Mitsubishi Steamship and Kyodo Transport were developed under the auspices of robust government protection. The Emperor's status as NYK's primary shareholder serves to highlight the corporation's role as a state-policy entity, intricately intertwined with national capital. In the domain of textiles, the leadership role in mechanization was predominantly assumed by noble families and political-business capital. In the domain of mining, the state-owned Sado Gold Mine and Ikuno Silver Mine were designated as Imperial property in 1889, subsequently being sold to Mitsubishi in 1896. In a manner analogous to the Besshi Copper Mine, which belongs to the Sumitomo family; the Ashio Copper Mine, which belongs to the Furukawa family; and the Miike Coal Mine, which belongs to the Mitsui family—all of which enjoyed special government protection—the Imperial family-owned Japan's most crucial mines and dominated the mining sector. The quasi-state-owned Bank of Japan assumed the role of the sole issuer of paper currency, while the similarly quasi-state-owned Yokohama Specie Bank became the exclusive foreign exchange bank. Consequently, the Imperial family exercised a considerable degree of influence over the financial sector. Therefore, Ikki Kita's proposal to impose limitations on capital, land, and productivity must be evaluated within the broader context of the comprehensive property reforms initiated during the land reform, abolition of peers, and nationalization of imperial assets. Failure to consider this broader historical and political context may result in a misinterpretation of Kita's proposal, potentially leading to the erroneous conclusion that it merely perpetuates the collusion between the state and politically privileged monopoly capitalists.

7.     The embryotic socialist movement first manifested as a labor movement in 1886, when the Kofu Amamiya Silk Mill was the site of the 1886 (Meiji 19) labor dispute in Kofu City, Yamanashi Prefecture, which is known as the "Amamiya Silk Dispute." The following assertion is made: This dispute is recognized as Japan's inaugural strike by factory workers. The political magazine Kokumin no Tomo (The People's Friend) published the terms of socialism and the socialist party. Moreover, it introduced the first May Day in Japan in 1890. Therefore, the Japanese socialist movement did not originate in 1900 or 1901.

8.     The term "minponshugi" is a special translation of the term "democracy" that refers to a party-cabinet system based on the house of representatives. Consequently, the mild opposition to the absolute monarchy of that era cannot be categorized as absolute democracy.

9.     The Japanese social uprising is characterized by a distinctive form, namely a rice riot. The rice riots of 1918 had a significant impact on the development of socialism and social movements in general. Subsequently, the Japanese Communist Party (1922-) attained its zenith in terms of its influence among labor unions, with a percentage of 7.9% in 1931, representing an increase from the 5.3% recorded in 1924. This period preceded the subsequent complete suppression of the party. During the period of reform, the GHQ ordered the release of Communists from prison. Contrary to the official historical narrative, the 1930s witnessed a significant proliferation of Japanese proletariat movements and labor parties, reaching their zenith during this period. This development occurred despite the absence of Communist influence, which had reached its peak in the early 1930s. However, this era is often characterized as a "dark" one in historical discourse. The prewar proletarian parties had long been in a state of constant formation and dissolution. However, in July 1931, the Labour-Farmer Party, the National Mass Party, and the pro-merger faction of the Socialist Mass Party united to form the National Labor-Peasant Masses Party. The event in question subsequently served as a catalyst for the merger of the Socialist Mass Party and the National Labor-Peasant Masses Party on July 24, 1932, culminating in the formation of the Socialist Masses Party, also known as the Social Masses Party. The amalgamation of the proletarian parties resulted in the establishment of the inaugural third force in Japanese political history, capable of counterbalancing the Constitutional Seiyukai and the Constitutional Minseito. The Hara Cabinet, and the subsequent appointed cabinets up to the May 15 Incident of 1932, whether bureaucratic or party-based, essentially represented a political shift from absolute monarchy toward Bonapartism. Concurrently, from 1924 to 1932, party-based cabinets adopted the outward appearance of a constitutional monarchy. In summary, the prevailing political system during this period was plutocracy. The labor and peasant movements experienced significant growth between 1927 and 1937. The labor movement experienced a significant surge in union membership, reaching a historical high of 420,589 members in 1936. This was followed by a notable increase in labor disputes, with 123,730 individuals engaging in labor disputes in 1937. For the peasant movements, the year 1935 marked a historical turning point. This development coincided with the cessation of the escalating labor and peasant popular movements that had been observed during the 1930s, as evidenced by the events of the 1937 and 1941 wars. A thorough examination of the motives underlying the coups and wars of that era is imperative, and this examination must be conducted in a manner that is devoid of any bias. This landscape is in stark contrast to the prevailing rhetoric of the "dark age," which has been disseminated by various means by the ruling classes.

10.  The "March Incident" (1931), the "October Incident" (1931), and the "May 15 Incident" (1932). These incidents were systematically attributed to Ikki Kita and Mitsugi Nishida and utilized as scapegoats by the general military staff elitists to advance their total war system and Hitlerism. This involved the elimination of military opposition and critical intelligentsia, such as Ikki Kita and Mitsugi Nishida, through the use of superficially similar rhetoric. This phenomenon was exemplified by the insidious infiltration of Oomoto-kyo cult into the establishment and violent factions of uncontrollable nationalists. Consequently, the opposition was effectively neutralized through the suppression of the February 26 Incident, resulting in a complete reversal of the situation to implicate the opposition. The "emperor-centered reforms" of that period are characterized by an ambiguous similarity that must be distinguished in terms of its class nature and motives. This is particularly relevant in light of the ongoing grand propaganda, which continues to scapegoat opposition figures. 

The publisher would like to express its profound gratitude to the genuine readers and to all individuals who have acquired the books. The neoclassical studies will persist in order to reinvigorate the essence of patriotism.

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