Book: The Theory of Japan's National Polity and Pure Socialism: Volume 4
- Ryota Nakanishi
- Aug 30
- 8 min read
Updated: Aug 30
Ikki Kita's ideological framework encompasses a synthesis of Eastern Republicanism, evolutionary statism, and democratic socialism.
🔻 BOOK DATA - The Theory of Japan's National Polity and Pure Socialism
Title: The Theory of Japan's National Polity and Pure Socialism: Volume 4
Author: Ikki Kita (1883-1937)
ISBN: 9789887115281
Language: English
Publisher: Ryota Nakanishi
(June 19, 2025)
This constitutes the inaugural English translation of Ikki Kita's seminal work, The Theory of Japan's National Polity and Pure Socialism (1906), alternatively entitled Kokutairon and Pure Socialism. The fourth volume encompasses the initial three chapters from Part IV. The full text is an analysis and commentary on socialism. The text places particular emphasis on Ikki Kita's theoretical contributions, particularly in the areas of economic justice, social democracy, and the interplay between socialism and the Japanese national polity. The complete translation of the original book, comprising five volumes, is available.
The subsequent assertion has been proffered by the publisher of the aforementioned publication:
1. In contrast to the West or China, where philosophy is often expressed through individual works, Japanese social philosophy is characterized by its historical nature. This means that influential social philosophies in Japan are typically articulated through historical texts rather than through the individual philosophical works that are more common in other parts of the world. The most significant historical and philosophical work that influenced this part is unquestionably Nihon Gaishi ("Unofficial History of Japan") by Rai San'yō (January 21, 1780, Aki Province – October 16, 1832, Kyoto). The lengthiest section is dedicated to an examination of the Japanese history of rebels, which offers a reflection on the feudalistic, slavish ethics that guided the samurai classes. These classes exhibited a greater degree of loyalty to their direct superiors than to the emperors. Kangaku (Chinese studies) was the most prominent category of Japanese ideologies for social engineering in the past, in contrast to both kokugaku (national studies) and yogaku (Western studies). The decision to publish the part in a separate publication proved advantageous, as it enabled us to efficiently comprehend and assimilate the salient points of Part 4 by first engaging with Part 5. Accordingly, the contents of Part 4 have been apportioned between Volumes 4 and 5 of this series, with the objective of enhancing the accessibility of the material for the reader.
2. The necessity of neoclassical studies is imperative in this context. The predominant rationale pertains to the contemporary epoch, characterized by the proliferation of the internet and artificial intelligence. In this context, the prevailing authorities have established dualist frameworks for the populace, compelling them to interpret phenomena within the confines of a designated "safe" or "correct" framework. Consequently, the outcome is often the subjugation of the populace by the ruling classes and the perpetuation of the status quo. This process is referred to as the "system of automated neutralization." For the classes that have been historically marginalized, the prospect of achieving resolution appears to be unattainable, particularly within the confines of the prevailing "official" interpretive framework. This is primarily due to the unquestioning adherence to the perspectives of "knowledgeable" individuals (KOLs) who, in reality, serve as instruments of influence for the "fourth power." Conversely, the authentic value of neoclassicalism lies in its capacity to unearth, rectify, and restore historical truths, essences, and details that have been obscured, distorted, or even eradicated over the course of several decades or centuries, thereby counteracting the effects of prolonged ideological indoctrination and unquestioning adherence to preconceived notions. For Japan, this issue is of paramount importance. Western neo-Nazis and white supremacists' interpretations of Japanese history and figures are more chaotic than the Japanese "official" right and left of today. The period known as the "lost decades" coincided with a period of stagnation in social and philosophical development. A plethora of profoundly intelligent figures emerged during the prewar period. The Meiji period signified an intellectual renaissance for Japan, in stark contrast to the current era of degeneration and decadence. A salient fatal phenomenon is the absence of an opposition that wields independent power. Furthermore, the neoclassical approach to studies is inherently associated with a rational and holistic examination of Japan's past. Japan's primary ideological dilemma lies in the presence of numerous institutional impediments that hinder the ability to accurately reflect on past incidents, particularly those related to war. The "war criminals" faction seeks to disown and exonerate themselves for their war responsibilities, while the "leftists" faction seeks to discredit all aspects related to the army or the establishment, despite their own involvement in these institutions. The establishment's propaganda and official rhetoric in various fields serve as a significant impediment to independent and holistic reflection on the past. This is due to the fact that any subject is difficult to avoid one or several of the intellectual traps that have been meticulously established by the different actors and roles of the same establishment. In essence, there has been no significant breakthrough in the realm of social psychology. This phenomenon persists, as evidenced by the continued absence of any significant breakthrough in Asia regarding reflections on war by Japanese individuals, despite the passage of eight decades since the conclusion of the Empire of Japan. The most effective approach to this endeavor is to engage in a process of rediscovery and direct engagement with the authentic classics of the buried past, particularly during the era of the intellectual renaissance.
3. In the context of Hong Kong, China, the discord between stateless localism and statism can be elucidated through the lens of Ikki Kita's theoretical framework. The attainment of a robust nation, state, or country is contingent upon the alignment of individual objectives with those of the state. The realization of individual freedom can occur either at the zenith of the state or through the state, as conscious individuals, true patriots, consciously set the state's objectives as their individual aspirations. In essence, authentic individualism is only achieved through a dialectical process within the context of the state. Therefore, Ikki Kita's statism or nationalism does not negate individualism in a one-sided manner when individuals find themselves in the state or society. Ikki Kita has been the subject of misguided criticism from self-proclaimed "leftists" within the establishment. These critics have alleged that Kita failed to differentiate between the state and society. First, Kita's adoption of a statist ideology emerged from the Sado Island autonomy movement or analogous grassroots struggles for local autonomy that took place during the Meiji era. The concept of autonomy, as they understand it, does not entail a distinction between the state and society, as there is no practical difference or separation between them. For Kita, the state is not synonymous with the government, the emperor, or the bureaucracy. The state is the evolutionary entity in which the populace, territory, and governing structures are contained. Furthermore, it unequivocally excludes any ruler who possesses the state as their private property. This concept encapsulates Kita's comprehensive perspective on the nature of the state. The concept of the state as the collective entity representing its citizens is predicated on democratic principles and has historically been a point of contention with absolute monarchies.
4. What is the vision of Kita's reformation? In the aftermath of the February 26 Incident, the New Establishment Movement (also known as the party-state theory) was initiated by Konoe in 1940. This was followed by the subsequent attempt of the Taisei Yokusankai (Imperial Rule Assistance Association), which functioned to support the total war system by emulating the actions of the Nazis and Bolsheviks. The period marked a significant rise in Tojo's power, as he assumed the role of Chief of the General Staff in 1944, thereby gaining a semi-dictatorial position alongside Hirohito. This trajectory stood in stark contrast to Kita's reformation thought. Firstly, Konoe and Tojo emulated Hitler as their exemplar, while Kita did not. Kita's state socialism was oriented towards the implementation of democratic policies within Japan, rather than engaging in a total war with China or the United States. Contrary to popular belief, he did not propagate the total war theory that originated in Germany. Secondly, Kita did not advocate the party-state theory of fascism. Thirdly, the Taisei Yokusankai is often misunderstood in contemporary discourse. It is erroneously perceived as a political party, despite its formation by all preceding parties to serve the army and zaibatsu as a public interest society (The Kouji-kettsya was prohibited from political activities as a party). During the period between 1940 and 1945, the Taisei Yokusankai was unable to unite as one, primarily due to the preceding parties' adoption of a sectarian stance, contrasting with pro- or anti-Japanese propaganda. The prevailing circumstances, typified by either illicit cohabitation or the predominance of a minuscule group of plutocrats over the populace, pose a more substantial menace to the tenets of the 2-26 rebels than the system they sought to overthrow. Kita's position on the matter is unequivocal: the fundamental unacceptable nature of the Taisei Yokusankai is not only his own opinion, but that of his brother Reikichi as well. It is imperative to acknowledge that the plutocratic "democratic" parties, which were controlled by zaibatsu during the 1930s and 1940s, actively collaborated with the Army and bureaucracy. This is in direct contrast to the prevailing narrative that portrays the Army as the primary agent responsible for the termination of "parliamentary democracy." However, a more thorough examination reveals that this was a calculated maneuver to obscure the true role of the plutocratic actors within the imperial parliament. This form of propaganda persists to this day. The demise of "the democracy" did not occur in the presence of a plutocracy. The military was operating in an unrestrained manner, and the dissemination of such falsehoods is an egregious transgression. The Meiji Constitution stipulates that the military is to be regarded as an autonomous entity, operating with a degree of independence from both the government and the parliament. In a similar manner, the system stipulated that in the event that the Army or Navy did not appoint a representative to any cabinet, the government was required to resign. The military's capacity to wield significant political influence was already well-established under the emperor's reign. Consequently, rhetoric that disregards structural elements often devolves into propaganda, impeding precise reflection on historical events. Fourthly, Tojo was criticized for his assumption of the role of the Bakufu, or Shogun, as a political and military dictator during that period. This perspective aligns with Kita's position. It is an irrefutable fact that the Empire of Japan did not permit the presence of either Mussolini or Hitler on Japanese soil, while concurrently upholding an absolute monarchy. Moreover, Kita's reformation vision aligns more closely with the GHQ and its democratization of Japan, in contrast to the total war system established by totalitarianism during the war.
5. A distinctive feature of this period is the fact that while comrades opposed the Kellogg–Briand Pact, also known as the Pact of Paris—formally designated as the General Treaty for the Renunciation of War as an Instrument of National Policy—Ikki Kita did not join their ranks. Subsequently, the General Treaty for Renunciation of War was incorporated into the Constitution of Japan (1946-1947) as the well-known Article 9. Consequently, the article 9 is the General Treaty for Renunciation of War (1928-1929). At the inception of the Kellogg–Briand Pact, Japan's government under the leadership of Prime Minister Tanaka Giichi formally endorsed and enacted the treaty, marking a significant development in international relations. The historical lesson is that the global consensus on the Kellogg–Briand Pact (‘Article 9’) was ultimately unsuccessful in preventing the outbreak of World War II.
The publisher extends its gratitude to the true readers and to all individuals who have procured the books. The neoclassical studies will persist in order to reinvigorate the essence of patriotism.
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