Book: An Informal History of the Chinese Revolution by Ikki Kita

A woman with traditional white and red face paint stands in profile, her appearance reflecting the colors of the Japanese flag behind her. She wears an ornate red garment, blending cultural artistry with national symbolism.

🔻 BOOK DATA - An Informal History of the Chinese Revolution

Title: An Informal History of the Chinese Revolution

Author: Ikki Kita

ISBN: 9789887115250

Language: English

Publisher / Translator: Ryota Nakanishi

(August 25, 2025)

🔻 BOOK DESCRIPTION -

This is the inaugural English translation of the seminal work of the democratic socialist revolutionary of Japan, Ikki Kita, entitled An Informal History of the Chinese Revolution (Shina Kakumei Gaishi, 1915-1916). The work is also known by the appellations Chinese Revolutionary Party and Revolutionary China (Shina Kakumeitou oyobi Kakumei no Shina). This text presents a chronicle of the initial Chinese revolution, followed by the subsequent second and third Chinese revolutions, which were observed by Ikki Kita during the years 1911 and 1916.

🔻 BOOK COMMENTARY -

The subsequent assertion has been proffered by the publisher of the aforementioned publication:

In the contemporary geopolitical landscape, the rise of hegemony has given way to a multi-polar world order, marked by distinct global political and economic trends. This shift represents a departure from the traditional balance of power paradigm that dominated the 19th and 20th centuries, particularly during the colonial and neo-colonial eras. The geopolitical paradigm of the Cold War gave rise to the concept of the G2, which posited the existence of two primary blocs engaged in a state of perpetual confrontation. Consequently, the prevailing concept of the multi-polarization is often subject to misinterpretation. The unilateralist or "dualist" worldview is undergoing a period of rapid dissolution. In summary, the fundamental principle of the multi-polarization concept does not entail the establishment of an alliance; rather, it aims to ensure that each nation attains complete sovereign independence, unencumbered by the interference of hegemons. China is a participant in this multi-polarization theory, while it is depicted by another hegemon and hostile forces. This is the current national concept of the foreign policy of China, Russia, or other rising powers among developing countries. Japan's foreign policy is characterized by its commitment to maintaining positive relations with both the United States and China. The United States' status as an ally does not preclude the possibility of independent sovereignty, a quality that is exemplified by Israel. Israel serves as the optimal national exemplar for Japan, particularly in the context of the post-war "pro-independence" movements within Japan. In this course, the multi-polarization model aligns with Japan's strategic interests by emulating Israel's approach. However, it is crucial to ensure that this model does not function as a strategic sponge for third parties seeking to exploit Japan's resources. The Soviet Union's experience offers a salient example of the consequences of misguided policies. Despite the aspirations of numerous oppressed nations for self-determination, the emergence of a multipolar world order has yet to be realized. In contrast to the disintegration of other socialist unions, the Soviet Union's disintegration occurred from within. In summary, the evolution of a multipolar world will serve as the new foundation for irreversible advancements in social transformation in the future. From this perspective, it is imperative that China not be regarded as yet another hegemony, a perspective that is often characterized by a narrow and stereotypical understanding of the nation. This approach aligns with the national interest of China in the realm of foreign policy. 

The unanticipated revelation is that even the United States, under the reformist Trump administration, is undergoing a transition to a multi-polar system. Furthermore, the establishment of a multipolar world order will be characterized by the absence of hegemonic influence, ensuring an equitable distribution of power among the global nations. Therefore, it can be concluded that the only circumstance in which both the United States and China can circumvent the occurrence of a world war is the hypothetical ideal course.

At the time of the book's original publication, Ikki Kita sought to establish alliances with both the United States and China. The objective was to prevent Japan from becoming involved in the destructive world war that the unreformed Japan had to face, along with all of its formidable Western powers surrounding it. This tragedy unfolded subsequent to the execution of Ikki Kita by Hirohito's 'special' secret army court-martial, which was authorized by his imperial decree to expand the purview of army criminal law to include civilians. Consequently, the post-war or contemporary global standing of Great Britain may have been analogous to that of Japan had the latter pursued the trajectory delineated in the aforementioned book prior to the 1928 Jinan incident, which led to a permanent shift in China's national enemy designation from the UK to Japan. It is evident from a historical perspective that Great Britain maintained its status as an empire and emerged as the indisputable victor. Moreover, the former ally of the UK, the Empire of Japan, had disbanded. However, the core policies of Ikki Kita's reformist theory—namely, the nationalization of imperial properties, the agrarian land revolution, and the dissolution of both the aristocracy and zaibatsu—were achieved by the GHQ, Americans. This phenomenon can be interpreted as the culmination of the Showa Restoration Revolution. It is evident that Ikki Kita can be regarded as a prophet with a high degree of confidence in the context of posthumous recognition. In essence, the historical record indicates that the ideological orientation of Ikki Kita is and has always been democratic, human-centric, and revolutionary. 

This book provides a comprehensive overview of the political developments that have transpired over the past several decades. For instance, the true cause of the First Chinese Revolution, the genuine origin of China's anti-Japanese sentiments, the truth about Sun Yat-sen and Yuan Shikai, clues to the conspiracy of the assassination of Song Jiaoren, the inner correlation among the First, Second, and Third Chinese Revolutions, the role of the mythical "significance" of the continental ronin, the inner contradictions and blindness of Japan's foreign policies, and the masterfulness of the British conspiracies of sowing conflicts between Japan and the US by using China, etc. Ikki Kita has challenged one of the most successful brainwashing narratives of historical revisionist epigones in the topic of the Chinese Revolution. 

It is challenging to distinguish between these various subjects when considering the intricate interconnection between Japan's domestic restructuring, its foreign policy, the Chinese revolutions, and the imperialist colonial world arena during that historical period. Contrary to the views of many critics, Ikki Kita placed the utmost importance on the foreign policy. He believed that stable or optimized foreign relations are essential for the implementation of national reforms. In summary, the foreign threats to Tokugawa Japan disrupted the nation's internal harmony, prompting the domains to advocate for the Meiji Restoration as a measure for national survival. These two perspectives can be considered as complementary aspects of a unified whole. Subsequent to the implementation of efficacious domestic reforms, Japan will achieve consolidated advancement in national interests, particularly with regard to its defense against hostile colonial powers. At the time, the United Kingdom and Russia were regarded as "prime enemies." According to Ikki Kita's perspective, the distinction between domestic and international class warfare is negligible when considering the perception of Japan as a nation devoid of properties a proletariat. 

The following are several points of Ikki Kita's democratic socialism:

1. His socialism is his kokutairon, the theory of Japan's national polity. Consequently, it can be deduced that the aforementioned socialism is not of the conventional variety, as it is predicated on the notion of the individual unit in isolation. The concept of Statism can be understood as an absolute egalitarianism under the authority of the emperor, akin to a lifelong president (a type of Eastern Republicanism) who is elected by the people via Kurultai. The term "statism" is frequently employed to denote a form of socialism. In this paradigm, the state is regarded as the evolutionary subject possessing all, and no individual privatizes the state. The concept of egalitarianism involves the elevation of the economically disadvantaged and marginalized to the dominant social stratum, while the original ruling class remains unaltered in its position. Consequently, the objective is not the universalization of poverty in practice. In a manner similar to contemporary Communist ideologies, the repudiation of private property is incompatible with the tenets of Ikki Kita's socialism. The objective of the aforementioned initiative is the confiscation of private gains that have been amassed beyond the established limit, thereby effecting their nationalization. Even Marxism, when interpreted with precision, does not constitute a theory predicated on the denial of private property. The theoretical underpinnings of socialism involve the nationalization of the social methods of production and banking institutions privatized by capitalists. 

2. This conclusion can be deduced from the text, which states that it is an inevitable outcome of the proposed nationalization of the imperial properties from his Kokutairon and Pure Socialism (1906). In this paradigm, the state is not the possession of any individual or group; rather, it is a collective entity that represents the unity and sovereignty of the nation. The prevailing sociopolitical paradigm in Japan is one in which the state and society are inextricably linked. This concept has been articulated by Ikki Kita as "the actuality of the society is the state." Moreover, the state bears the responsibility of ensuring the protection of all individual human rights. Consequently, it can be deduced that there is an absence of rational or empirical evidence substantiating the notion that statism inherently leads to totalitarianism, which is characterized by the denial of individual rights. In his inaugural book, Ikki Kita allocated space for the prospect of communist futures and human evolution into divine beings. Subsequent to this, the aforementioned concepts become indiscernible. State socialism, distinguished from "national socialism," emerged as the prevailing manifestation of socialism, as evidenced by its implementation in China. In its original form, Marxism did not constitute a state socialist theory. Nevertheless, it did conditionally rely on the state to secure both domestic and world revolutions. However, both state socialism and national socialism are translated and politically interpreted as equivalent, with the former being translated as the latter. Confronted with the challenges posed by automation, it becomes imperative to elucidate the fundamental concepts within their respective contexts and to engage with the literature directly. The selection of either the emperor or the shogunate is a matter of significant debate. Within the context of Japanese history and politics, two ruling subjects were incompatible with each other. In the context of Japan, fascism is characterized by the Shogunate, where the emperor functioned as the absolute monarch in the past. Consequently, Hideki Tojo was criticized as the shogunate. It is evident that Ikki Kita did not promote the de facto concept of the shogunate. 

3. An Informal History of the Chinese Revolution (1915-1916 ; 1921) functions as a transitional work between two major publications in the author's oeuvre: Kokutairon and Pure Socialism (1906) and An Outline Plan for the Reorganization of Japan (1919). The initial eight chapters are associated with one of the other two major books, as are the remaining twelve chapters. Nonetheless, this book is also regarded as a synthesis of both. The initial book is an examination of ontology, while the third book is dedicated to methodology. The second book, characterized by its interdisciplinary and cross-genre approach, synthesizes content rather than adhering to a sequential temporal order. In terms of structure, the initial eight chapters are predominantly arranged in chronological order, while the subsequent sections are primarily composed of policy proposals. The two concepts continue to demonstrate efficacy in the realm of international affairs. A salient example is the concept of Eastern Republicanism, which manifested in China following the 1949 revolution and the subsequent transformation of Japan's foreign policy. 

The publisher extends its gratitude to the true readers and to all individuals who have procured the books. The neoclassical studies will persist in order to reinvigorate the essence of patriotism.

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