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Hong Kong Intelligence Report #100 當前香港政治的總體趨勢:全面開放內地金融市場的陽謀

Open-source intelligence (OSINT)

FILE PHOTO: Coronavirus finance impact © Envato

🔻 IMPORTANT 【重要】


▪️本篇涵蓋從2023年2月2日起2月15日為止的本港主要社會議題。如23條立法的時間表;美國駐港領事館會見官僚和政客時的限制放寬;買地短期租約涵蓋國安法條款;防疫政策與通關的最近情形;渣打銀行表露的本港政治陽謀;新世界地產的有線電視收費傳播中途停牌;香港總商會要求撤辣;負資產威脅論;簡約公屋爭端等。一律不論及對本港社會民生問題不起得實際顯著決定性作用的任何議題。


This article covers major social issues in Hong Kong from February 2 to February 15, 2023. It covers issues such as the timetable for Article 23 legislation; the relaxation of restrictions on meetings with bureaucrats and politicians by the U.S. Consulate in Hong Kong; the short-term lease for land purchases covering the National Security Act; recent developments in epidemic prevention policies and customs clearance; the political machinations of Standard Chartered Bank; the suspension of New World Properties' cable television subscriptions; the request by the Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce to withdraw 'chilly' anti-speculation tax; the threat of negative equity; and the controversy over Light Public Housing. All issues that do not have a decisive effect on the livelihood of Hong Kong society are disregarded.


▪️ 「國安」議題: 在本港,所謂國安定義僅指分裂主義。換言之,其在運作上唯限於維護憲政體制框架(一國兩制本身就是主權框架)。其中並不涵蓋社會民生議題,如疫情,土地房屋問題或貧富差距或勞資階級矛盾等嚴峻民怨來源(敵對性矛盾)。然而,解決社會民生問題的正確過程才叫做社會改革或社會/公益運動或社會進步。真正的國安在於徹底解決各種敵對性矛盾上。假設我們把2021年1月7日(大拘捕第2日)視為反修例風波的結束日,並把2023年2月6日視為中港疫情結束日(不設每日人數限制、有條件取消核酸檢測要求),那就得出結論說「經歷兩大災難和所謂‘改革’以及名為‘復常’的一系列為資本瘋狂撤除防疫措施的‘防疫政策’後,本港社會民生問題連一個也沒有得到什麼解決,反而資本藉由進一步鞏固和‘優化’了政治壟斷,結局只會變本加厲」。 得以一句「原地踏步」概括。


The "national security" issue: In Hong Kong, the so-called national security definition refers only to separatism. In other words, it is limited in its operation to upholding the constitutional framework (one country, two systems is itself a sovereign framework). It does not cover social and livelihood issues such as epidemics, land and housing issues, or serious sources of public discontent (hostile conflicts) such as the wealth gap or labor class conflicts. However, the correct process of solving social and livelihood issues is called social reform or social/public welfare movement or social progress. The real national security lies in the complete resolution of all kinds of hostile conflicts. Suppose we consider January 7, 2021 (the second day of the mass arrest) as the end of the anti-extradition bill amendment controversy and February 6, 2023 as the end of the Hong Kong-China epidemic (no daily limit on the number of people on borders clearance and conditional abolition of the requirement for nucleic acid testing), then we conclude that "after the two catastrophes and the so-called 'reforms' and for the crazy removal of anti-epidemic measures called 'resumption of normalcy' by capital, not even a single problem of the people's livelihood in Hong Kong has been solved, but capital has further consolidated and 'optimized' the political monopoly, capital has only intensified the situation". This is summed up by the phrase "standing still".


關於23條立法,雖代表本港資本而總是扮演‘中央之聲’的小丑盧文瑞(全國僑聯非政府機構)在傳統反對派媒體明報上發文,但早前李家超在星期2早上例行的行政會議前記者會上卻表達「希望盡快可以喺今年完成到,如果唔係都希望下年完成」。若不是今年,則是下一年。依此類推。這也不算時間表。曖昧表態等於拖延。重點是,拖23條立法是反23條立法。不過,自從成功的反清零運動(這其實是反修例風波以來的強迫改動國策的大規模政治運動;主要靠衛生官僚,疫情專家和媒體,示威者則是輔助)以來,主要搞手們不再是被政治犧牲的示威者們,而是官僚,政府顧問,媒體等更直接的內外資本勢力代理了。甚至,他們都屬於正式的愛國陣營和體制。因此,毫無必要的所謂分裂主義裝飾(在此等於自殺)在此理所當然地被拋棄和不顧了。就外國勢力而言,同內部勢力一樣,一直以來主要透過本地運作的駐港機構外交官身分和資本而滲透的。內外部勢力此兩者高度政治融合在商會。而且,政府政治服務的是資本。資本才是最主要的政治核心和目的。若是合理的,正規的,則絕不存在資本以外的作戰目的。做什麼,若是合理的,服務資本則總是終極目的。重點是,依照上述過度狹窄的國安定義,資本(商業)並不在其範疇內,因此早就先驗地知道即使23條立法也無法阻止類似反清零運動的官商勾結模式(新型和平演變方式;他們成功了,是因為和平演變掉了防疫政策;他們根本沒有扮演分裂主義,也沒有預想要推翻政權,只要推翻防疫政策就好)。


Regarding the Article 23 legislation, although again the clown Lo Man Tuen(NACA is just an NGO), who represents Hong Kong's capital and always pretends the 'voice of the central government', published an article in the traditional opposition media Ming Pao, but earlier John Lee Ka-chiu in the morning of Tuesday before the regular pre-Executive Council press conference expressed "hope that as soon as possible it can be completed in this year to, if not all hope to complete next year". If not this year, then the next year. And so on. This is not a timetable either. An ambiguous statement is tantamount to procrastination. The point is that delaying Article 23 legislation is anti-Article 23 legislation. However, since the successful anti-ZERO-COVID campaign (which was actually a massive political campaign for forced changes in state policy since the amendment fiasco; mainly by health bureaucrats, epidemic experts, and the media, with protesters as auxiliaries), the main actors are no longer the politically sacrificed protesters, but bureaucrats, government advisors, the media, and other more direct agents of internal and external capital power. Even they are part of the official patriotic camp and establishment. Therefore, the unnecessary so-called separatist decorations (which are tantamount to suicide) are rightly discarded and disregarded here. In the case of foreign powers, as in the case of internal powers, they have been infiltrated mainly through the diplomatic status and capital of locally operating institutions in Hong Kong. Both internal and external forces are highly politically integrated in the Chamber of Commerce. Moreover, it is capital that is politically served by the government. Capital is the primary political core and purpose. If it is reasonable and proper, there is no warfare purpose other than capital itself. If it is reasonable to do anything, serving capital is always the ultimate goal. The point is that capital (business) is not part of the above overly narrow national security definition, so it was known a priori that even Article 23 legislation could not stop the collusion between government and business similar to the anti-zero campaign (a new form of peaceful evolution; they succeeded because they peacefully evolved out of the anti-epidemic policy; they did not play separatism at all, nor did they intend to overthrow the regime at this time, just the anti-epidemic policy).


同樣,最近媒體才報導(2023年2月14日)的美國駐港領事館會見港府官僚和政客時的限制放寬一事也對實際運作毫無影響。照樣透過與任何美國機構毫無關聯的第三者,商界人士傳達資訊或提供資金的模式沒有影響。何況,網路時代電子方式更方便。最令人擔憂的是,從2022年11月發效以來外交部和媒體都一直隱瞞,今日才向市民正面曝光。這種資訊控制才是個更大的問題所在。從美國駐港領事館會見港府官僚和政客時需外交部駐港特派員公署批准改為前5日通知即可,這並不會產生什麼決定性差異,是因為即使沒有這樣的規定,一般而言,通常領事館的出入也仍是被雙方監控的。不過,這小小動作也表示中方重視美國的表態(轉為與病毒共存的轉變是親美派轉強勢的反映)。12月30日外交部長的人事(前駐美大使秦剛委任)和這個11月的小動作都是中共發出來的可望中美破冰的政治象徵信號。


Similarly, the relaxation of restrictions on meetings with Hong Kong government bureaucrats and politicians at the U.S. Consulate in Hong Kong, which was only recently reported in the media (February 14, 2023), has no impact on actual operations. As always, the pattern of business people communicating information or providing funding through third parties unaffiliated with any U.S. state organization has no impact. Moreover, electronic means are more convenient in the Internet age. What is most troubling is that the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the media have been hiding this information since it went into effect in November 2022, and it is only recently that it is being exposed to the public. This kind of information control is a bigger problem. The change from requiring the approval of the Office of the Commissioner of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to require five days' notice for U.S. consulates to meet with HK government bureaucrats and politicians in Hong Kong does not make a decisive difference, because even without such a requirement, access to consulates is generally still monitored by both sides. The December 30 Foreign Ministerial appointment (former Ambassador to US, Qin Gang was appointed) and this November gesture are both political signals from the Chinese Communist Party that it expects to break the ice between the U.S. and China.


▪️土地房屋議題:同美國駐港領事館會見港府官僚和政客時的限制放寬一事一樣,土地招標文件把國安法條款加入一事也是今日才正面曝光的。有趣的是,這也是從2022年11月開始的。當時看到的是,2022年11月30日報導的香港外國記者會(The Foreign Correspondents' Club Hong Kong, FCC)續約文件把國安法條款加入一事 。地政總署從2022年11月4日開始招標的啟德2A區4、5B及10號地盤起至今(有趣的是,該地後來陷入了簡約公屋風波),地契短期租約增添國安法條款。但如上所述,對地產霸權(地產黨)而言,「地產業界亦支持做法,不認為對賣地有影響」(李家超)。的確,本港首富李嘉誠的長江集團中標了該土地(地政總署(十二月二十一日)公布,一幅位於九龍啟德第2A區4號地盤、5(B)號地盤及10號地盤的新九龍內地段第6649號的用地,以八十七億三百萬元批予鋒城投資有限公司(母公司:長江實業集團有限公司),批租期為五十年)。這足以證明了所謂國安法條款根本不是什麼阻礙。地契租約增多國安法條款也本來不會成為逃犯條例修訂案的炒作程度。反而,港府和香港媒體過去幾個月都一直隱瞞有關消息一事才是個真問題所在。足認至少從2022年9月26日張竹君‘與病毒共存’論掀起的積極撤除防疫措施和隱瞞疫情的‘復常’政宣嚴重損害了取得資訊的自由度。腐爛的隱瞞體質,瞞報成為新常態了。港府,不僅隱瞞了大部分疫情實況,也從11月以來長期隱瞞了美國駐港領事館會見港府官僚和政客時的限制放寬一事以及地契租約增多國安法條款一事。隱瞞是官僚主義的典型特徵之一。有趣的是,李家超並沒有正面回應港府在放寬會面限制後與美國駐港領事館人員有否會面。


Land and housing issues: Like the relaxation of restrictions in the U.S. Consulate's meeting with Hong Kong government bureaucrats and politicians, the inclusion of the National Security Act clause in the land tender documents was revealed today. Interestingly, this also started in November 2022. At that time, it was partially reported on November 30, 2022 that the Foreign Correspondents' Club Hong Kong (FCC) had included the NSA clause in its contract renewal documents. The Lands Department has added the NSA clause to the short term leases of the Kai Tak Area 2A sites 4, 5B and 10 since 4 November 2022, when the tender for the site began (interestingly, the site later became embroiled in the short term light public housing fiasco). But as mentioned above, for the real estate hegemony (the real estate party of Hong Kong), "the real estate industry also supports the practice and does not see any impact on land sales" (John Lee Ka-chiu). Indeed, Hong Kong's richest man, Li Ka-shing's Cheung Kong Group, won the bid (the Lands Department (Dec. 21) announced that a site at New Kowloon Inland Lot No. 6649 in Kai Tak Area 2A, Site 4, Site 5(B) and Site 10, Kowloon was granted to Citypoint Investment Limited (parent company: Cheung Kong (Holdings) Limited) for $8,703 million, with a 50-year lease term). This proves that the so-called National Security Law is not an obstacle at all. The addition of the National Security Law clause to the land lease would not have been the extent of the hype surrounding the amendment to the Fugitive Offenders Ordinance. Instead, the real problem is that the Hong Kong government and the Hong Kong media have been withholding information for the past few months. At least since September 26, 2022, when Chuang Shuk Kwan's 'living with the virus'(WITH-COVID) theory started the 'normalization' political propaganda of aggressive withdrawal of epidemic preventive measures and concealment of the epidemic, the freedom of access to information has been seriously compromised. With the rotten concealment system, concealment has become the new normal. The Hong Kong government has not only concealed most of the facts of the epidemic, it has also concealed for a long time since November the relaxation of restrictions on meetings with government bureaucrats and politicians by the U.S. Consulate in Hong Kong and the attachment of national security provisions in land leases. Concealment is one of the typical characteristics of bureaucracy. Interestingly, Lee did not respond positively to the question of whether the Hong Kong government met with the U.S. Consulate staff after the relaxation of the meeting restrictions.


就撤辣而言,先透過多家香港媒體推撤辣的敘事後,本港內外資本的集中代表香港總商會總裁梁兆基在2023年2月2日表態主張了撤辣。從2019年的香港平均樓價1000萬到2022年10月的791萬之間徘徊仍然是天價。若果總是把平均樓價本身報導,則失去煽動和洗腦民眾的敘事效果。這就是為什麼不積極報導平均樓價本身的原因。目前,主要炒樓人士還是內地人士。他們為了盡可能避免包括辣椒税(反投機稅)在內的限制時購買持有住屋的有限公司來得逞的。不過,撤辣會讓港府失去公帑財源也必然激發炒樓而已。它的目的在於遏制炒樓行為。只有包括地產商在內的投機份子自己才要撤辣的。足認本港內外資本的集中代表香港總商會是為資本服務的地產黨,並不在為人民服務。


In terms of withdrawal of 'chilly' anti-speculation tax, first through a number of Hong Kong media to push the narrative of withdrawal of 'chilly' anti-speculation tax, the centralized representative of Hong Kong internal and external capital Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce President LEUNG Siu Kee on February 2, 2023 to express his position advocated the withdrawal of 'chilly' anti-speculation tax. From the average property price of HKD 10 million in Hong Kong in 2019 to HKD 7.91 million in October 2022 hovering between the sky is still the high price. If the average property price itself is always reported, it will lose the narrative effect of inciting and brainwashing the public. This is why the average property price itself is not actively reported. Currently, the main speculators are still mainlanders. They are the ones who are trying to get their way in order to avoid as many restrictions as possible, including 'chilly' anti-speculation tax, when they buy a limited company that holds housing units. However, the withdrawal of 'chilly' anti-speculation tax will allow the Hong Kong government to lose public money sources and will certainly stimulate property speculation only as it aims to curb property speculation. Only speculators, including property developers, themselves want to withdraw the 'chilly' anti-speculation tax. It is clear that the Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce, the centralized representative of capital inside and outside Hong Kong, is a real estate party serving capital and not serving the people.


關於負資產威脅論,要補充的一點是,地產黨把一般負債問題和所謂負資產混為一談。負資產是,當購買物業時價格是確定的,不過貸款購買後,樓價每日都有波動,有時樓價低過購買時的價錢。這個潛在的差異叫做負資產。負資產並不等於負債的意思。購買或轉售時確定的價格與貸款餘額的差異(記得價格是在購買時已確定的)。不過,賣方的地產商也明知無論結果有無利潤得失,價格都是只有在購買/出售(交易)的那一剎那才確定的。負債問題則是另外一個問題。


One thing to add to the threat of negative equity theory is that the real estate party is confusing the general issue of debt with the so-called negative equity. Negative equity is when the price of a property is fixed at the time of purchase, but after the loan is taken out, the price of the property fluctuates daily, sometimes lower than the price at the time of purchase. This potential difference is called negative equity. Negative equity is not the same as a liability. The difference between the price determined at the time of purchase or resale and the balance of the loan (remember that the price was determined at the time of purchase or resale). However, the seller, the real estate agent knows that the price is only determined at the moment of purchase/sale (transaction), regardless of the resulting profit or loss. Debt is a different issue.


香港飯局 |簡約公屋對上樓真係有幫助? 丨 清談節目 丨 TVB 丨 曾鈺成


➖ 有關簡約公屋,在2023年2月12日播出的TVB的節目《香港飯局》中,前地產界代表立法會議員石禮謙的發言頗為有趣。他也認同了選址不是問題,而簡約公屋本身有問題。此外,最重要的是他明確否定了自己也當年提倡的所謂「拆局,拆牆鬆綁加快建屋」之說。說這不是條例層面的問題,怎樣改,結果因官僚主義還是會慢(執行問題)。甚至,單看數字,李家超政府任期內建3萬個簡約公屋單位也明明根本無法解決大約10萬多戶不適切居所住戶以及24萬公屋申請者的問題。就九龍中議員楊永杰率領當地投機份子試圖發動示威集會的政治動作也反映了實際上民建聯的九龍社團聯會(Kowloon Federation of Associations)代表地產黨及其投機份子群組。這是本港政治服務資本的最近例子。重點是,無論在全港哪裡建公屋,周圍一定都會有典型的自私反對聲音,如影響樓價(不一定是所謂負資產)以及政府要為社區建基建(提高樓價的條件)等。社會要釐清民生和投機的區別


On the subject of simple public housing, in the TVB program "Hong Kong Table For Three And More" broadcast on February 12, 2023, former Legislative Council Member Abraham Shek, a representative of the real estate sector, made a rather interesting speech. He also agreed that site selection of the light pubic housing is not the problem, but the issue of light public housing itself. Moreover, the most important thing is that he explicitly denied the so-called "demolition of bureaux, removal of walls and restrictions to speed up the construction of housing", which he also advocated back then. He said that this is not a problem at the level of the ordinance, no matter how to change it, the result will still be slow because of bureaucracy (operational implementation problems). Even if we just look at the figures, it is clear that the 30,000 light public housing units built under the John Lee Ka-chiu administration will not solve the problem of some 100,000 households and 240,000 applicants for public housing. The political maneuvering of the local speculators led by Kowloon Central Councilor Kitson Yang Wing-kit in an attempt to stage a rally also reflects the fact that the Kowloon Federation of Associations and its mother body the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong (DAB) represents the real estate party and its group of speculators behind them. This is the most recent example of politics in service of capital in Hong Kong. The point is that wherever public housing is built in Hong Kong, there must be the typical self-serving opposition around it, such as the impact on property prices (not necessarily the so-called negative equity) and ''the need for the government to build infrastructure for the community (a condition for higher property prices)''. The community must make a clear distinction between livelihood and speculation.


關於有線電視收費傳播停牌,它(有線寬頻)實際上是由構成永升的新世界地產主席鄭家純控制的公司Celestial Pioneer Limited控制的。可謂新世界地產,此一地產霸權寡頭之一的媒體。這也就是從俄烏戰事以來,2022年2月底-3月初應美國的要求而封鎖今日俄羅斯(CH131)在港節目頻道的媒體。2023年2月14日新世界地產的有線電視宣布:因不敵市場競爭,而將在 6 月 1 日起停播收費電視訊號,改為免費頻道。地產霸權控制媒體的力度也開始弱化了。競爭和壟斷是辯證矛盾。較有自由競爭的領域,壟斷勢力的競爭力非永升,如此顯弱。這算積極正面的消息。


Regarding the suspension of subscription broadcasting of Cable TV , it (i-CABLE) is actually controlled by Celestial Pioneer Limited, a company controlled by Henry Cheng Kar-shun, chairman of New World Properties, which constitutes Forever Top(Asia)Limited. It can be said that New World Properties, one of the hegemonic real estate oligarchs owned media. This is the same media that has blocked Russia Today (CH131) programming channels in Hong Kong at the request of the United States since the war between Russia and Ukraine in late February and early March 2022, and on February 14, 2023, New World Development's cable TV announced that it would stop broadcasting paid broadcasting TV signals and switch to free-to-air channels from June 1 because it was unable to compete with the market. The real estate hegemony's control over the media also began to weaken. Competition and monopoly are one of dialectical contradictions. In areas where there is more free competition, the competitiveness of monopolistic forces is not always rising, and is so weak. This is positive news.


▪️防疫和通關議題:其實仍有政治衝突持續。正式全面通關一開始,本港上層集團就要求撤除北上健康申報表(過關前須完成申請的黑色二維碼「黑碼」),而至今未果。以為只要以方便資本(‘商業’;‘民眾’)為由,什麼都可以得逞,只要覺得麻煩,叫撤就撤。這淪為中港政治的新常態。不過,中央政府尚未回應有關香港的單方面無理要求。通關人數也目前徘徊在三萬左右(2月5日內地人入境數為12,023;2月14日為34,859)。即使從春節結束的2月6日起撤掉核酸檢測要求,也沒有實現所謂爆發性的增長。參考出入境人次統計數字。 就疫情數據而言,操縱和瞞報之下連單日現有個案數據(active case)也不反映實況了,而只能參看總體累積的感染數據和死亡人數了。



一邊撤除防疫措施,一邊炒股的港府做法已失靈了。連中東公關‘無果’之旅(「中東行」2023年2月5日到10日)也無法炒股,是因為投資者來看真的沒有實際成果。終於在2023年2月15日跌出恆指2萬1千點大關了。從2022年11月1日起不顧疫情,而瘋狂撤除防疫措施,炒股,炒上去的趨勢不再。人民幣對港幣匯率的操縱(人民幣對港幣的匯率升,恆指就升)也難以支撐它了。





The issue of epidemic prevention and customs clearance: in fact, there are still political conflicts going on. From the very beginning of the official full customs clearance, the upper echelons of Hong Kong demanded the removal of the Northbound Health Declaration Form (the black QR code that is required to complete the application prior to customs clearance), and so far this has not been done. They thought they could get away with anything on the grounds that it was convenient for capital ('business'; 'the public'), and that they could withdraw it whenever they felt it was troublesome. This has become the new normal in Hong Kong-China politics. However, the Central Government has not yet responded to the unilateral and unreasonable demands of Hong Kong. The number of people crossing the border is also currently hovering around 30,000 (12,023 on February 5 and 34,859 on February 14). Even though the nucleic acid testing requirement was lifted from February 6, the end of the Chinese New Year, the so-called explosive growth has not been achieved. For reference, the number of arrivals and departures. As far as the epidemic data is concerned, even the single-day-active case data does not reflect the actual situation, but rather the total cumulative number of infections and deaths.


Total number of new coronavirus pneumonia infections (cumulative): 2,881,389 (Feb. 14, 2023)

Total number of deaths (cumulative): 13,425


The Hong Kong government's approach of removing epidemic prevention measures while speculating in stocks is out of order. Even the Middle East PR 'fruitless' tour ("Middle East Tour" February 5-10, 2023) could not speculate on stocks because there were really no tangible results for the investors. Finally, on February 15, 2023, the Hang Seng Index fell out of the 21,000-point mark. From November 1, 2022, regardless of the epidemic, and crazy withdrawal of preventive measures, speculation up the trend is no longer. The manipulation of the exchange rate of the RMB against the HKD (if the exchange rate of the RMB against the HKD rises, the HSI rises) can hardly support it anymore.


HSI: 20,812.17



▪️本港政治總方向的議題:英資渣打銀行洪丕正(香港總商會/團結香港基金)的最近言論中可以確認本港上層集團的政治趨向。


尤其是這個部分:


目前全球只有約3%資產配置在內地,洪丕正分析指,未來10至20年,相關比例將越來越高,全球資金會慢慢流入內地;而內地資本賬戶未完全開放,大部分內地資產未能配置到海外,預料內地資金將結構性流出,正好令香港在未來5至10年內,會擁有絕對競爭優勢。



換言之,它代表了所謂外部勢力的說法,其實是內外資本的陽謀,即全面開放內地金融,以利全球資本勢力。2022年後半的瘋狂撤除防疫措施,並逼迫中國改採與病毒共存一事完全合乎這個大政治發展方向。受商台訪問時,其真正政治意圖終究在內地,不在中東。


The issue of the general political direction of Hong Kong: the recent comments of the British Standard Chartered Bank's Benjamin Hung Pi Cheng (Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce/Our Hong Kong Foundation) confirm the political trend of the upper echelons of Hong Kong.


In particular, this part.


Currently only about 3% of the world's assets are allocated to the Mainland, and Benjamin Hung Pi Cheng's analysis says that in the next 10 to 20 years, the relevant proportion will be higher and higher, global capital will slowly flow into the Mainland; while the Mainland capital account is not fully open, most of the Mainland assets can not be allocated to overseas, it is expected that the structural outflow of Mainland capital, just so that Hong Kong in the next 5 to 10 years, will have an absolute competitive advantage.


In other words, it represents the so-called external forces, but in fact it is a conspiracy of internal and external capital to fully open up the Mainland's finances to the benefit of global capital forces. the frantic withdrawal of preventive measures in the second half of 2022 and forcing China to switch to coexistence with the virus is perfectly in line with this general political development. When interviewed by Commercial Radio Hong Kong, thier real political intentions were ultimately on the Mainland, not in the Middle East.


🔻 NEWS / FACTs 【事實關係】


本報告分析針對的期間內,本港市民該知曉的新聞和公告(論據):


▪️「國安」議題


行政長官李家超今早(14 日)行政會議前見記者,重申對《基本法》23 條立法立場不變,希望盡快完成立法工作,期望在今年或者明年完成立法。


李家超說,為 23 條立法是特區的憲制責任,而外界對於 23 條所針對問題的嚴重性未必全面掌握,國家安全風險「千變萬化」,而且目前國際關係複雜多變,國安風險仍有機會潛伏在香港,要建立到全面鞏固國家安全的機制,因此期望盡快完成立法,「希望盡快可以喺今年完成到,如果唔係都希望下年完成」,視乎實際情況而定。



美國駐港澳總領事館回覆傳媒查詢,證實據中國外交部要求,總領事在會見港府官員或政界前,由需取得外交公署批准,改為提前五天通知。行政長官李家超指,港府歡迎任何符合國際公約的交流。 行政長官李家超表示:「領事館人員任何活動需根據《維也納領事關係公約》,就我們與不同領事館人員的交流,我們當然會支持很多活動,尤其人與人往來、商務推廣,增加他們的了解。任何人文交流和其他溝通,我們所有都會支持。香港政府官員當然會接觸不同人,包括不同領事館人員,以加強交流。」



▪️土地房屋議題


香港外國記者會(The Foreign Correspondents' Club Hong Kong, FCC)會址租約原訂明年到期,港府決定允許FCC續租,惟租期由以往7年減至3年,並加入維護國家安全和保障政府權益的條文。FCC主席強調FCC一直遵守法律,不擔心會違反《國安法》,日後會繼續為新聞自由發聲。有民主派人士指出,新聞及言論自由是香港的DNA,促請特首李家超切實保障。


地政總署資料顯示,由2022年11月4日開始招標的啟德2A區4、5B及10號地盤起,至今推出的多幅官地,包括赤柱環角道,以及正在招標的荃灣寶豐路、旺角洗衣街地皮等,加入新增條款,提及政府保留權力,可以因投票者或其母公司涉及威脅國家安全活動,而取消其資格。


至於其他短期租約用地,當局除了以國家安全為由,有權取消入標者資格外,若果當局合理相信中標的承租者涉及違反國家安全利益的行為,亦有權中止該份租約,又表示倘若涉及危害國家安全的犯罪行為,執法機關會依法處理。

發展局回應指,政府內部的《物料供應及採購規例》(《規例》)於2022年8月29日更新,加入維護國家安全法的相關要求,令指引更清晰,有關原則適用於所有種類及形式的政府採購,而地政總署隨後相應地把適用的條款加入所有賣地文件以及短期租約招標文件。


地政總署今日(十二月二十一日)公布,一幅位於九龍啟德第2A區4號地盤、5(B)號地盤及10號地盤的新九龍內地段第6649號的用地,以八十七億三百萬元批予鋒城投資有限公司(母公司:長江實業集團有限公司),批租期為五十年。該公司為出價最高的投標者。


至於有市民憂慮樓市會跌,高官就形容「明白各人有不同考慮」。依家該區私樓業主群情洶湧,擔心會令啟德CBD2定位名存實亡,更擔心影響樓價。正如功夫茶講過,皆因有家庭窮一生積蓄在此黃金地段置業,若因簡約公屋落戶呢區而拖低附近樓價,咁政府呢隻「救生艇」幫到啲基層又累到啲中產!功夫茶留意有人揶揄高官財產申報,所持多個物業多屬傳統豪宅區,係第一核心商業區(CBD1)所在;難怪有啟德業主質疑:簡約公屋項目倘損害啟德CBD2發展,CBD1樓市料將間接受惠!質疑高官堅持選址啟德,何不賣咗自己CBD1嘅物業,搬到啟德做街坊,與一班反對者共進退,咁就有說服力選址呢區不會拖低樓價,選址爭議可平息!看似「怪論」,亦有其道理焉!



政府在本月底公布新一份財政預算案。香港總商會今日(2日)發表建議書,當中包括要求政府分階段「撤辣」,以及派發不少於5000港元消費券等。該會指現時經濟仍處於起步階段,不能立即「斷藥」,有必要繼續派發消費券,惟認為無需恒常化。


香港總商會總裁梁兆基表示,樓市「辣招」推出的背景是樓市過熱,所以推出相關措施冷卻樓市,但措施扭曲價格需求,對長遠供應以及市場造成一定影響。他認為現時樓市過熱的條件已不再存在,建議政府分階段「撤辣」。


對於香港出現「財赤」問題,他認為雖然派發消費券會構成一定財政壓力,但相信派發消費券能提早推動本港經濟活動,帶來的庫房收益可能超過消費券支出。不過,他強調無需要恒常派發消費券,相信待經濟回復至正常後,政策的需要亦不大。



房地產巿場與市民生活息息相關,節目每集均提供相關訊息,範圍涵蓋置業法律須知、投資商舖心得、家居「小貼士」,並會帶領觀眾看盡中、外「靚盤」。



負資產數字急增達到超過12,000宗,這兩年入市的業主有甚麼看法呢?2003年沙士後經濟低迷,負資產個案一度超過10萬宗,本港樓市和經濟環境會否重回當年境況呢?


29平方米(㎡) = 261平方尺。


本港大型納米樓也是260平方尺。


每一個香港市民的平均居住面積為172平方呎;本港納米樓為220至260平方呎左右。


盲點:即使公共房屋項目,居住環境也是欠佳的。


香港房屋協會宣布,位於大埔滘的過渡性房屋「策誠軒」今日(14日)起至今月27日接受新一輪申請。由於部份住戶獲編配公屋而遷出,是次申請提供約30個單位,可讓輪候公屋達3年或以上的3至6人家庭申請暫住,月租介乎2,856至5,100港元。房協將於3月下旬進行電腦抽籤,再按其優先次序,為申請人進行審核及單位編配程序。

「策誠軒」原先為港鐵員工宿舍,房協自2019年起租用作營運過渡性房屋,共提供180多個單位。其中,3至4人單位內部樓面面積約27至29平方米,月租2,856至3,060港元;5至6人單位則為41至47平方米,月租4,386至5,100港元。房協總監(物業管理)潘源舫期望,新一輪申請可讓更多有需要的家庭受惠,達致房盡其用。


有線電視交還本地收費電視牌照,將於6月停播收費頻道。有線寬頻行政總裁黃思遠表示,交還牌照純粹是商業決定,指收費電視競爭激烈,經營困難是全球現象,又指收費電視的經營很依靠足球賽事轉播,但轉播費並不低,如果無轉播,觀眾就會流失,有線電視的訂戶就由高峰約100萬跌至近期的68萬。他又指,免費電視已不再是「一台獨大」,公司看到市民對廣東話節目有需求,認為是契機,因此決定集中資源,做好節目,借免費電視頻道擴大覆蓋率,未來亦會加大投資,希望吸引更多年輕觀眾群,亦會與亞洲區伙伴合作。

被問到同時訂購收費電視及寬頻上網等服務的「綜合服務客戶」,將如何計算退款,黃思遠就指,客戶合約有訂明寬頻和電視服務的收費明細,會按合約訂明款項退款。至於「綜合服務客戶」的數目,他就指是商業秘密,但就指為數不少。

黃思遠又強調,公司並無裁員計劃,正積極招聘中,又指如果員工成功推薦其他人加入公司,最高可獲1萬元獎勵。


▪️防疫和通關議題


現時,過關前須完成申請的黑色二維碼(「黑碼」)是內地要求,港府會與內地談討優化方案,不排除取消相關安排,惟不敢承諾取消時間。港府呼籲市民留意內地當局要求,盡量在過關前完成程序,提醒市民過關時要預早填寫申報表令過關更便利。有市民曾忘記填申報地,不過最終仍能過關。明日起跨境中學生會來港上學,當局將會設櫃台協助,而本月22日小學、幼稚園開學後,跨境校巴亦會作出準備。


▪️本港政治總方向的議題


據商台消息,渣打銀行亞洲區行政總裁洪丕正,日前跟隨特首訪問中東。他表示,訪問期間,曾與中東大型基金、地產及產油公司代表共晉晚餐,席間感受到對方對中國市場非常感興趣,但未必了解大中華市況。他舉例指,有大型私募基金表明,正考慮安排投資的公司,到英國、美國、新加坡或香港上市。

 「如果來香港上市,有可能接觸到內地14億人口的深港通、滬港通,他未聽過,不知道香港有這項優勢。如果在倫敦、紐約或新加坡上市,就沒有這個優勢。中國有那麼大的資金池,全球公司都希望有機會接觸到,加上他們有項目在內地進行,是相得益彰。」

 他又說,任何跨國企業都會盡量分散投資者,以擴闊投資基礎,而中國資金池仍未完全與世界接軌,相信很多企業都想透過香港靈活和方便的互聯互通機制,投資內地市場。

 洪丕正又指,目前全球只有約3%資產配置在內地,洪丕正分析指,未來10至20年,相關比例將越來越高,全球資金會慢慢流入內地;而內地資本賬戶未完全開放,大部分內地資產未能配置到海外,預料內地資金將結構性流出,正好令香港在未來5至10年內,會擁有絕對競爭優勢。


🔻 COMMENT 【評語】


一言以蔽之,最近渣打銀行洪丕正的言論「大部分內地資產未能配置到海外」揭示了這一切政治事件始終一貫的當前資本勢力綜合目標是全面開放內地金融市場。

In a nutshell, the recent remarks of Standard Chartered Bank's Benjamin Hung that "most of the mainland assets are not allocated overseas" reveal that the current combined goal of the capitalist forces that have been consistent in all these political events is to fully open up the mainland financial markets.



 


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