Hong Kong Intelligence Report #161 當國策國家憲法與民主投票一致時可推翻反國策的港府議案和終審法院判決

Ryota Nakanishi
2 days ago
35 min read

Open-source intelligence (OSINT)

Woman in red and white robe holds a sword, standing against a gray background. She looks serious, hair tied up in a topknot.

🔻 IMPORTANT 【重要】當國策國家憲法與民主投票一致時可推翻反國策的港府議案和終審法院判決

▪️本篇僅針對最近一些顯著的本港政治事件及情形做出簡單的分析和評論。首先就是政府議案《同性伴侶關係登記條例草案》以及終審法院《岑子杰訴律政司司長》（Sham Tsz Kit v Secretary for Justice；FACV 14/2022; “Sham Tsz Kit Case” of September 5, 2023）在2025年9月10日立法會壓倒性否決該案一事。其實，該案揭示了重大意義，第一，該案揭示了筆者一再強調的本港特色之一，即香港政府乃獨立於中央或中共的特殊本土主義既得利益集團及其朋黨大聯盟的守護神。當‘民陣’代言人岑子傑，‘外國法官’終審法院及‘港英餘孽’香港政府（李家超=陳國基=曾國衛）聯合強硬積極推動該案和強制立法機關立法之際，明確與‘主流價值觀’=‘國策’另一方的中央，大多數市民陣營則形成了稀有的尖銳對比。市民不該浪費這堂課，而應該看清一個原理，即不能貿然將英皇創設的香港政府與中國中央政府或中共等同起來看待本港政治，否則不僅無法解釋這個‘和平演變’案件，也必定被誤導。這個可以進一步指摘一些事。（A）首先棄權者乃機會主義者。與葉劉淑儀同等與港府護航的李慧琼不能以身處北京為不投反對票的理由，是因為同時期身處北京的工聯會議員特地趕忙回港投了反對票。吳秋北的功德則在於曝光了曾國威（等於背後的上司李家超和陳國基）威脅行政會議成員強制投票贊成一事。筆者高度讚賞此次吳秋北之亂，他面對被港府開除的威脅，而得知中央反對該案之後秉持了國家的立場。沒有投票贊成一事救了他的靈魂和愛國主義。本港政治僵持異於國家的本土主義仍然堅固。重點是變相承認西方三十八個國家地區同志婚姻的所謂‘替代框架’不僅不符合中國憲法體現的國家政策，也不符合主流價值觀。香港政府的政治圍繞‘一加五’的本土主義政治遊戲。一代表中國，五則代表五眼聯盟。本港市民的命運，尤其是勞動者階級的命運總是被玩弄在‘一加五’的政治平衡遊戲上，其主旨只不過是維護既得利益，本港異於中國的藩籬，本土管轄權。那麼，重要的疑問本身體現重點，即既然國策，秦始皇以來統一國家的異性戀者中國，國家憲法，中央，多數市民都反對該案之下，僵持推動該政府議案的香港政府及其特權資本家朋黨舉手機器們，該14名代表的究竟是什麼？那根本不是什麼國家利益或國家或中共，而純然是本港抗拒整個中國的既得利益勢力。‘在席87名議員中，只有14名議員投支持票，包括6名新民黨成員葉劉淑儀、黎棟國、容海恩、李梓敬、陳家珮與何敬康，行會成員林健鋒、廖長江、陳健波、劉業強、陳克勤、張宇人，以及謝偉銓與選委界謝偉俊。選委界江玉歡成為唯一投棄權票的議員。立法會主席梁君彥按慣例沒有投票，其餘71名議員均投反對票。兩名缺席議員分別為李慧琼與同為行會成員的吳秋北，前者目前身處北京出席人大常委會會議。’在此，最明顯地把國家力量和本港既得利益勢力隔開了。（B）不過，事件要動態地解讀。目前本港所謂建制內的人們都是屬於既得利益勢力的。此次只不過在特定議案上明顯隔開了符合國家政策的反對一方和死硬本港既得利益勢力而已。其他議案上，他們都還是照樣做舉手機器，橡皮圖章的。不過，這次市民或國家應該讚賞的認真言論是屬於林新強，簡慧敏，陳曼琪，周浩鼎和何君堯等人。前三者論證了該案構成各種逆向歧視的論述鮮明（與其他多樣婚姻制度或反過來歧視男女婚姻制度或其他少數群體的不公，簡言之，他們都顧及了更為整體的範疇來揭示了有關議案的片面性和局限性）。後兩者基於社會秩序，主流價值和國家政策憲法的論述都是正確的，理性的。市民應該看立法會的全場直播。該案揭示了當國家憲法，國家政策和民主投票的力量都一致之際，成為中共都可接受的護國人民的強大力量和聲音。重點是，一直默默觀察事態發展的港澳辦事後隨即表態支持了有關民主投票的結果。這才是真正立法機關的人民監督角色，有關否決港府議案的反對票成為了真正民主，真正愛國的舉措。如此，國策和民主投票結果都完美一致的例子是本港稀有的，也是未來民主發展的正確方向。作為整體的國家，國家政策總是要顧及的首要準則。若在社會上個人努力的終極目標和國家努力的終極目標都一致，則可以建立強國。本港政治總是要看個別政策或政治舉動是否合乎國策，國家憲法，國家利益。這就是絕對的基準。（C）當港澳辦寫道：‘我們也要注意一些別有用心的人總是想借機挑事，操弄該議題政治化，妄圖破壞香港社會的和諧穩定，阻撓香港實現由治及興。’這個揭示了一個不明文原則，即中港融合和‘由治及興’是不可分的。換言之，由治及興乃中港大融合，只要利用任何議題分裂中港，就無法實現所謂由治及興之意。所謂由治及興根本不是香港單獨可實現的國策概念。至今，沒人不敢提，但筆者毫無畏懼地指摘，政府議案《同性伴侶關係登記條例草案》以及終審法院《岑子杰訴律政司司長》（Sham Tsz Kit v Secretary for Justice；FACV 14/2022; “Sham Tsz Kit Case” of September 5, 2023）乃在性領域上展開的香港獨立，是屬於暗獨分裂主義/分離主義圖謀，筆者一再強調的本港暗獨的最佳例子。當本港目前所有新舊條例和權威都來自於中央/憲法授權的結果之下，在兩地之間搞異化乃分裂主權的法律行為，即把被授權的法律權威和有效性偷偷轉為固有化，本土化的操縱。（D）香港仍是自從1841年以來西方在亞太地區方便展開殖民主義和殖民中國的前哨站，中途站，前進基地。香港和澳門有‘一國兩制’的歷史因素之一是，英國乃二戰戰勝國有權保留戰利品，葡萄牙則是二戰中立國，非戰敗國，以和平轉移澳門來得以保留既得利益。萬一英國和葡萄牙都是二戰戰敗國，‘一國兩制’就都未被適用。那麼。香港作為英國的戰利品，此次同志議案明顯要跟著英國逐步實現同志性革命的過程。目前從本港推動的和平演變是藉由終審法院的判例來逐步實現的，而非在街上推動的顏色革命。在眾多經常性議案中，含有極少數的重大議案的情形會持續，是因為這目前是最安全的。這並不意味著國安體系沒有問題。首任國家安全公署署長鄭雁雄離任前展開的改革是要本地紀律部隊誠實地執行國家安全公署的指揮，這反過來揭示了筆者一再強調的事實，即本港最堅固的本土主義在港府內凸顯在所謂紀律部隊和政務官。鄭雁雄離任前做的改革屬於真改革，但仍可在執行上被架空，不夠穩定。同時，港府被動接受的理由跟建立所謂‘部門首長責任制’一樣的，就是他們最不想的就是中央政府或其他中國地方政府取代他們的管轄範圍，也不想直接隸屬於中央政府或其他中國地方政府的監督和問責系統內，所以港府要推出自律機制（自己人審自己人。實屬空洞的‘守則’之類的東西）來說‘我們自己管理，所以不用國家干涉’。在此既得利益的特殊心理上，其實中央在‘一國兩制’上的論述有了微妙的變化，即他不再說‘一國兩制’是最高原則，而國安才是‘一國兩制’的最高原則和前提。這就是直接切入要害的論調。換言之，為何起初一再消極面對示威者（‘子女’）的本港紀律部隊，甚至有些紀律部隊人員參加示威，其中最惡名昭彰的事件是立法會空城事件，而當中央表態之後，則轉趨積極抓捕示威者，進行鎮暴的本港既得利益保鏢們，此時構成了所謂‘皇軍相擊’的尷尬局面。其內在動因表現在該命題‘維護國家安全是“一國兩制”的最高原則’，意味著‘你們繼續不護國，國家就會收回授予你們的特權’之意，這還是驚動了本港既得利益勢力，證明了反修例風波大戲無法恐嚇國家。以上就是筆者對《同性伴侶關係登記條例草案》投票結果的看法。

立法會會議(2025/09/10)

▪️在2025年9月17日發表的《行政長官2025年施政報告》的唯一好處是它拒絕了大部分的地產霸權既得利益勢力之前一再要求的所謂樓市要求。雖然國家政策是房住不炒之際，連港區人大常委李慧琼代表地產霸權和炒樓投機份子勢力可公然違抗國策一事代表了一種中港之間現有的政治腐敗。所謂「購房資金通」乃反國策。你看，這就是本港既得利益勢力的例子，即輕易公然推出反國策，而每人質疑。哪有愛國精神可言？關於這點，屈穎妍的TVB節目《有理說得清｜置業起跑線：救了個市，卻毀了市民的置業夢，下次再有民怨，怪得了誰？》是完美表達異論的例子，筆者推薦市民看該次節目。只要市民知道屈穎妍背後有新世界地產和恆基地產支持的梁振英，就接收個別優秀的言論和節目都沒問題。其實，這就是唯一可肯定的《行政長官2025年施政報告》要點。既得利益大本營之一，香港總商會要的減印花稅，「購房資金通」等都沒有，但其代言人，本港既得利益核心傳聲筒，林健鋒一直要求的投資物業門檻從五千萬減到三千萬則是實現的。重點是，所謂施政報告並非特別政策的菜單，而只不過是訂出未來一年的普通經常性施政的方向而已，也是屬於經常性施政而已。經常做這些，但極具爭議性的通常都不擺在施政報告上。裏面的所謂政策都非改革。令人沮喪地看到的是，在各種名義下，組織小組或特定部門只不過是內部利益輸送，增加新的管理層，職位和特權，也就是新的龐大開支。那麼有關津貼之類也只不過是在未改大框架下進行的屬於經常性自動提款機運作或純數量上的調節或公關。簡言之，毫無任何改革或突破現在困境的舉措。那麼，我們看到的屬於真改革的例子則是北環線及港深西部鐵路（洪水橋至前海）引內地設計標準一事。這才是香港改革的方向。有一個錯誤是，所謂內地標準不是地區標準，而是國家標準，應改稱國家標準。香港真改革是引入國家標準的過程才算數。不過，如控煙政策領域，只要香港發展的優於內地的稀少部分就應當繼續領先，優化和發展。關於教育政策，本港出現真正愛國主義教育的基礎是會否主動實現國語政策。不論民進黨（台獨）還是國民黨（維持現狀）的支持者，都普遍認同的一點是國民政府收回台灣後最成功的政策是教育政策，尤其是國語政策。看看《行政長官2025年施政報告》，本港既得利益勢力還是不願意推國語政策的。與戰勝國或中立國戰利品的香港和澳門實施‘一國兩制’不同，台灣是從戰敗國收回的，這就是去殖民化進程的不同，前兩者的去殖民化仍然停滯不前。這圖現在戰後國語政策的推行，國民黨經歷了艱辛的去殖民化過程。從這顯然不同之處，也可看出本港的，尤其是在‘一國兩制’的愛國主義教育尚欠國語政策的基礎，港府及其所謂紀律部隊也無意推動國語政策，回歸28年後依然如故，從英皇時代未變。你說什麼‘改革’或‘深化改革’呢？所謂‘改革’在哪裏？‘深化’本來根本沒有推行的改革？換言之，本港真正進入愛國主義教育時代的真指標在於國語政策的登場和推廣程度。本港對國語和國策的麻木不仁和漠視程度極深。香港此一粵語藩部落村根本不把違背國策當作一回事，也根本不把國語當作正統首要官方語言來看待。這陋習就是從對‘一國兩制’的誤認和認知戰造成的後果。那麼《行政長官2025年施政報告》體現的是既得利益要維持現狀，照常懶惰施政下一年的意志，毫無新意。還有，重推公屋租置計劃不在《行政長官2025年施政報告》有好有壞，是因為即使貪婪居心炒樓的地產霸權勢力不要低於市價的公屋租置計畫登場，也仍有一大批公屋富戶和炒樓投機份子取得公屋單位試圖轉售。‘《施政報告》強調會豐富置業階梯，協助更多公屋租戶置業，有學者質疑不公平。房屋政策學者何濼生認為：「用一個低於市價價錢，去買一個這樣的單位。買了之後，他又可以賣出去，他一樣可以賺錢，我覺得有很多不公平之處。這些是很寶貴的公共資源，是要給真的有需要的人，但現在背離了這個精神。」。只看這言論的表象，就看似站在人民一方，但是何樂生則是反對房住不炒國策的地產霸權勢力。即‘何濼生，香港大學經濟系畢業，多倫多大學經濟學博士。唯一可行的方案，有百利無一害的，就是撤辣：取消樓市種種辣招，特別是額外印花稅。’這麼不顧所謂基層勞動者階級的兩面人，兩片舌頭在講話，菩薩臉，地產霸權代言人‘普渡慈航’充斥著香港的所謂學界。誠然，社會確保讓公屋或居屋落到真正需要的家庭單位在香港極為困難，主要是執行者無靈魂無能，深受欺貧怕富的精英個人主義，事大主義薰陶。由誰確保公平分配？究竟是誰做得到？是個一大難題，也就是在實踐上的問題。香港目前在這議題上也是一大空。

▪️當地的生活感是位於半山區或淺水灣的外交官的桌上報告寫不出來的，也抓不準的，因此他們枯燥的報告都是國際主流媒體報導的彙編而已。真情報分析，當然連在旅遊上也做得到的。筆者最近遊玩廣東省。北上消費是推動香港改革的社會動力，也促進中港全面統一融合的必經之路。我簡單分享一些發現。（A）與香港旅行團經常將大陸旅客帶到廣東道的西方國際大品牌店鋪群促使他們為西方投資者爆買奢侈品正相反，大陸旅行團則將香港旅客帶到郊外的餐廳和創意公社（相當於高雄的駁二藝術特區）來幫助中小企業。這安排十分正確，旅客也可以看出該等安排背後的國家思維和中共的政策親民。兩岸都做到了類似紓困中小企的政策舉措，也以鼓勵首創品牌和特殊本地工藝產品/飲食品來創造了一定的旅遊魅力。昔日人民公社如今成為了大陸的藝術特區。看看這是個鮮明對比，也體現了中港之間的政策思維和背後政治勢力的不同。（B）看看香港和內地城市（廣東一帶），就醒悟到香港在地區競爭上，確實出現了價格競爭，性價競爭，但結業潮的結局無庸置疑地證實了香港的性價競爭注定失敗，是因為店鋪自覺地降低價格，但香港以政策/官商勾結提高不降的超高租金，包含其業主分紅阻礙本港實現正常的價格調整，不敵與周邊中國地區之間的競爭。前述，創意公社或駁二藝術特區都是協助中小企紓緩租金壓力的措施。超高租金殺掉中小企的小生意，尤其對文創產業屬於致命，目前幾乎早已堵塞了門檻和台階。因此，梁振英從半山區山上呼籲全港商業業主都友善降低超高租金只會空響的。這要真強人的真政策。幸虧，優秀的內地和台灣都避免了香港命運。顯然易見，背後推動政策者不同。（C）瑞幸咖啡是我總是在市區裡起來後一大早去的地方。反正，一大早只有瑞幸咖啡和附近的菜市場（一堆路邊攤）開著。在哪一個地區，店員都友善，有禮貌，推薦的咖啡都奇特的，好喝。他們此次以電影演員湯唯（色戒），劉亦菲（花木蘭）為代言人是看起來非常國際化的，外國人都知道這兩大華人國際明星，尤其是後者是個慘痛的反修例風波的政治受害者之一，失去了美國民主黨壟斷的好萊塢，但中國國內的第一流本地品牌企業和國家支撐她是絕對正確的一件事。他們自己的民族人士在海外遭政治迫害，應該受到他們祖國的支持和保護。這正是天道。體會到瑞幸咖啡的形象工作也不錯。這就是民族精神所在，屬於精神價值。那麼，香港有沒有這種社會關懷？根本不知道。對了，說到‘國際化’，有一個詭辯就是在全中國最國際化的是香港人（這個概念仍然模糊，也有爭議，也有歧視。到底指誰？出生在香港的任何種族人士？永久居民？粵語部落村民？）。這些論者必須去外國看清楚一件事，即我們在任何國家碰到的華人絕大部分都是所謂大陸人（內地人），內地人華僑無所不在，他們非常團結形成當地社區，經濟實力也強大，生存力也高過一般，連偏僻的外國鄉下碰到的絕大部分當地華人也都是內地人，而且他們都會講流利的當地外語。換言之，在全中國最國際化的地區就是中國大陸，而非香港。在全中國最國際化的居民就是內地人，而非香港人。在此，所謂國際化絕不可以與殖民地化或租界化等同起來。就整體而言，中國大陸人民在本地牢牢發展他們的許多首創品牌企業足以抵抗海外企業競爭之際，同時維持龐大的世界各地的華僑人脈和國際來往。不能以前者的中國化特色和街上景象來漠視他們同時享受的海外華僑的強大人脈和來往。後者才是真國際化所在。那麼，香港看的所謂國際化只不過是指港島殖民地遺物和個人講不講英文而已。所謂精英主義者多麼膚淺。（D）內地已實現的全電子支付化的社會生活環境是香港尚未抵達的社會發展階段。所謂新質生產力，其實已出現的。我在東莞的科技研發中心一帶停靠，去了7-11，照樣物色內地特色飲料，他們的櫃台也不是香港或是日本的九零年代的現金收銀機，而是全電子支付的。中國大陸提供電子支付收銀機的品牌眾多，知名品牌包括：商米 (SUNMI)、天波 (TPV)、HiStone海石、聯迪 (LANDI)、客如雲、中科英泰、奧家、富掌櫃和易捷通等，這些品牌提供涵蓋餐飲、零售、酒店等多行業的智能收銀終端和軟硬體整合解決方案。其實，最普遍的唯物史觀，最生活化的新質生產力已體現在內地日常的交易上了。即全面電子支付收銀機在全國滅絕了偽鈔。任何時代的新質生產力都重構諸社會關係。那麼，光是這點也已經重構了社會關係，同時提高了治安，是因為滅絕偽鈔，也滅絕基於偽鈔的犯罪，如黑店詐騙（內地黑店誣告和威脅客人用了偽鈔）。這已經是個革命。先進的社會主義不在文宣上，而是在生活上，並以新質生產力來體現的。毛澤東滅絕了毒品。習近平則滅絕了偽鈔。這些都是真馬克思主義的成就，是屬於真社會主義的革命力量。其實，內地的一間7-11已經接觸得到新質生產力。因此，內地在發展新質生產力絕非空想或口號，如此簡單的內地生活例子也是新質生產力的例證。（E）李家超提到了紅色景點旅遊，但是真正愛國是真正憂國。而非膚淺的口號，公關，觀光旅遊的表面。憂國憂民才是愛國愛民，實屬一體兩面。香港的所謂愛國還是與憂國脫節的。回到《同性伴侶關係登記條例草案》，律政司的報告寫道：‘終審法院（以大多數票）駁回政府的論據，即由於特別法的運作，設立替代法律架構被排除在外，或設立替代法律架構會破壞婚姻制度的獨特地位。’這意思是說港府硬推《同性伴侶關係登記條例草案》之際，明知‘設立替代法律架構會破壞婚姻制度的獨特地位’（港府在終審法院的反對理據）！那麼，叛國衛在立法會積極硬推該政府議案時港府明知故犯。這樣哪有過憂國憂民？在廣東旅遊當中，不幸看到的是有些香港旅客仍然是政治偏激，屬於昔日反對派時常不滿導遊講述內地歷史，這種五六十年代逃到殖民地香港的反共難民後代的偏激反應造成兩地之間的摩擦。奇怪的，非理性的現象是，反中的香港居民願意去內地北上消費，但他們同時不滿和激烈排斥內地人講述國家和歷史。這體現了扭曲現象，香港居民在政治上被扭曲而畸形的程度嚴重，還無法形成統一的，理性的一貫性。只是看到這種2019現象的殘餘和衝突，令人失望和感到羞恥。內地建議香港要思想準備，但港府並沒有推動什麼居民的思想準備，結局依然如故的摩擦時常發生。

以上，就是2025年9月香港的政治情形的概況和評述。這個月最令我感動的是，只要國家憲法，國策和民主投票相一致，人民和立法機關就可推翻違背國策的香港政府議案和終審法院判決一事（照樣從香港推動的新型和平演變圖謀失敗）。當國策國家憲法與民主投票一致時可推翻反國策的港府議案和終審法院判決，這就是重大進步。

The following article presents a concise analysis and commentary on recent significant political events and developments in Hong Kong. The first is the government bill, the Registration of Same-sex Partnerships Bill, and the Court of Final Appeal's ruling in Sham Tsz Kit v Secretary for Justice (FACV 14/2022; "Sham Tsz Kit Case" of September 5, 2023). Indeed, this case reveals significant implications. Firstly, the text draws attention to one of Hong Kong's distinguishing features, a point that the author has previously underscored. It asserts that the Hong Kong government functions as the guardian of a particular localist vested interest group and its affiliated coalition. This entity operates in a manner that is autonomous from the central government and the Chinese Communist Party. As the "Civil Human Rights Front" spokesperson Sham Tsz Kit, the "foreign judges" of the Court of Final Appeal, and the "British colonial remnants" of the Hong Kong government (John Lee = Eric Chan Kwok-ki = Erick Tsang) collectively and assertively advanced this case, compelling the legislature to enact it, a pronounced divergence emerged between them and the Central Authorities, representing "mainstream values" and "national policy," as well as the majority of the public. It is imperative for citizens to take this opportunity to learn from history and recognize a fundamental principle: Hong Kong politics must be distinguished from the British-established Hong Kong government, the Chinese central government, and the Chinese Communist Party. Conversely, the absence of a comprehensive explanation for this "peaceful evolution" will inevitably lead to misinformation. This prompts subsequent observations. Firstly, it is important to note that abstainers are often characterized by an opportunistic nature. As with Regina Ip, Starry Lee—who similarly provided the Hong Kong government with a shield—cannot justify her abstention by citing her presence in Beijing, as FTU legislators in Beijing at the same time rushed back to cast opposing votes. The merit of Stanley Ng Chau-pei's work lies in his ability to expose the coercion exerted by Erick Tsang (acting on behalf of his superiors, John Lee and Eric Chan Kwok-ki) to force Executive Council members to vote in favor of a particular course of action. The author lauds Stanley Ng Chau-pei's defiance. Confronted with the imminent possibility of termination of employment by the Hong Kong government, he exhibited unwavering commitment to the national stance upon becoming aware of the central government's opposition to the bill. His decision not to cast a vote in favor of the bill was a strategic move that served to uphold his personal integrity and demonstrate his profound sense of patriotism. Hong Kong's political deadlock endures, yet its distinct localism remains resilient. The so-called "alternative framework"—which implicitly recognizes same-sex marriage in 38 Western countries and regions—not only contradicts national policies embodied in China's Constitution but also conflicts with mainstream values. The political landscape of Hong Kong is characterized by a complex interplay of localist political movements, which are collectively referred to as the "One Plus Five" political strategy. The numeral "one" is associated with China, while "five" is linked to the Five Eyes alliance. The political balancing act of "One Plus Five" has a profound impact on the lives of Hong Kong citizens, particularly the working class. The primary objective of the National Security Law is to safeguard the interests of the current authorities in Hong Kong, thereby preserving the city's distinct status as a legal jurisdiction separate from China. The fundamental question posed by this case underscores the central issue: Given the prevailing national policy, the unifying heterosexual China since Qin Shi Huang, the national constitution, the central government, and the majority of citizens who oppose this case, what is the precise representation of the Hong Kong government and its privileged capitalist cronies—the rubber-stamp machines pushing this bill despite the deadlock? The crux of the matter is not national interests, the nation, or the Chinese Communist Party; rather, it is the vested interests that are resisting the entirety of China within Hong Kong. A total of 87 legislators were present, and only 14 of them cast their votes in the affirmative. The following individuals were among those who endorsed the initiative: The following individuals were included in the study: Regina Ip, Lai Tung-kwok, Eunice Yung, Dominic Lee, Judy Chan, and Adrian Ho; Executive Council members Jeffrey Lam, Cheung Kong Liao, Chan Kin-por, Kenneth Lau Ip-keung, Gary Chan, and Tommy Cheung; as well as Tony Tse and election committee representative Paul Tse Wai-chun. It is noteworthy that Doreen Kong Yuk-foon, a member of the Election Committee sector, was the sole legislator to exercise the option to abstain. Legislative Council President Andrew Leung Kwan-yuen did not vote in accordance with the established convention, while the remaining 71 legislators cast their votes against the proposed motion. The two legislators who were not present were Starry Lee Wai-king and Executive Council member Stanley Ng Chau-pei, with the former currently attending the NPCSC session in Beijing. This distinction is pivotal in delineating national interests from Hong Kong's vested interests. However, it is imperative to interpret the situation in a dynamic manner. At present, individuals aligned with Hong Kong's pro-establishment faction are predominantly affiliated with vested interest groups. In this instance, the distinction was made between the opposition aligned with national policy and the die-hard local vested interests on a particular motion. In other cases, the role of these entities is to act as unquestioning endorsers of the decisions made by the aforementioned authorities. The most compelling arguments that merited public or national commendation on this occasion were presented by Ambrose Lam, Carmen Kan, Maggie Chan Man-ki, Holden Chow, and Junius Ho Kwan-yiu. The initial three presentations proffered persuasive arguments, elucidating how the bill manifests various forms of reverse discrimination (by failing to accommodate diverse marriage systems or, conversely, discriminating against heterosexual marriage systems or other minority groups). In essence, these presentations contemplated broader contexts to unveil the bill's bias and constraints. The latter two parties proffered cogent and rational arguments grounded in social order, mainstream values, and national policy/constitutional principles. Citizens are advised to observe the complete live broadcast of the Legislative Council session. This case demonstrates that when the national constitution, state policies, and the power of democratic voting align, they become a formidable force and voice that protects the nation and its people. This is a position that is even acceptable to the Chinese Communist Party. Of particular note, the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office—which had discreetly monitored the developments—subsequently endorsed the outcome of the democratic vote. This situation serves to illustrate the true oversight role of the people in the legislature. Consequently, the votes cast in opposition to the motion put forth by the Hong Kong government were regarded as authentic expressions of democratic and patriotic sentiment. Such a remarkable congruence between national policy and democratic voting results is atypical in Hong Kong, suggesting a promising trajectory for future democratic development. For the nation as a whole, national policy must always be the primary consideration. The proposition that the overarching objectives of individual endeavors within a society must align with the national objectives of a nation is a critical one. When these two elements are congruent, the result can be the development of a robust and prosperous nation. In the political landscape of Hong Kong, a critical evaluation of individual policies and political actions is imperative to ascertain their congruence with overarching national policy frameworks, the tenets of the national constitution, and the fundamental interests of the nation. This is the unassailable gold standard. The Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office has made the following statement: ‘It is imperative to be vigilant against individuals with ulterior motives who seek to foment discord, politicize this matter, and jeopardize Hong Kong's social harmony and stability, hindering its advancement from governance to prosperity.’ This underscores an unspoken principle: the integration of Hong Kong and mainland China, and the notion of "progress from governance to prosperity," are inextricable. In essence, governance and prosperity signify the comprehensive integration of China and Hong Kong. Any endeavor to exploit issues to divide the two regions undermines the very essence of governance and prosperity. The realization of this concept is inherently beyond the capacity of Hong Kong to achieve independently. To date, this issue has not been broached by other scholars, but the author has the temerity to point out that the government bill, the Registration of Same-sex Partnerships Bill, and the Court of Final Appeal's Sham Tsz Kit v Secretary for Justice (FACV 14/2022; "Sham Tsz Kit Case" of September 5, 2023) constitute Hong Kong's independence in the realm of sexuality. These figures embody clandestine separatist and secessionist initiatives, serving as quintessential manifestations of Hong Kong's clandestine independence, a point that the author has repeatedly underscored. It is evident that all extant and historical ordinances and authorities in Hong Kong derive from central or constitutional authorization. Consequently, the establishment of any divergence between the two jurisdictions would constitute a legal act of splitting sovereignty. This covertly transforms delegated legal authority and validity into inherent, localized manipulation. Hong Kong continues to function as a forward base, staging ground, and transit point for Western colonialism in the Asia-Pacific region and for colonizing China since 1841. A seminal factor in the conceptualization of "one country, two systems" for Hong Kong and Macau is the historical context of World War II, wherein Britain, as a victorious power, retained its spoils, while Portugal, a neutral non-defeated nation, preserved its vested interests through Macau's peaceful transfer. In the event that both Britain and Portugal had been defeated powers, the "one country, two systems" model would not have been implemented. As a consequence of Britain's historical dominance, Hong Kong's contemporary LGBT-related initiatives appear to align with Britain's gradual transition towards a LGBT revolution. The peaceful evolution currently being promoted in Hong Kong is achieved incrementally through the Court of Final Appeal's precedents, not through street-level color revolutions. The persistence of a small number of major motions among numerous routine motions is attributable to the fact that this approach is currently the safest. This observation does not imply that the national security system is without flaws. The reforms initiated by former National Security Department Director Zheng Yanxiong prior to his departure were designed to ensure that local disciplined services faithfully execute the department's directives. This, in turn, underscores a point that I have repeatedly emphasized: Hong Kong's most entrenched localism is manifest within the government, particularly among the so-called disciplined services and administrative officers. Zheng Yanxiong's pre-departure reforms were authentic, yet they were susceptible to being undermined in practice and lacked stability. Concurrently, the Hong Kong government's acquiescence to this arrangement aligns with its rationale for instituting the so-called "Heads of Department Accountability System." Their primary concern is to avoid having their jurisdiction usurped by the central government or other Chinese local governments. They are also averse to being directly subordinate to the oversight and accountability systems of the central or other Chinese local governments. Consequently, the Hong Kong government has adopted self-regulatory mechanisms, which, in essence, are a form of "code of conduct" that allows internal actors to self-regulate. This approach is indicative of a strategy to assert autonomy within the community, thereby negating the necessity for external oversight. In light of these vested interests and idiosyncratic psychological factors, the central government's discourse on the "One Country, Two Systems" model has undergone a nuanced shift. The "One Country, Two Systems" principle is no longer stated as the supreme principle; rather, national security is now positioned as the supreme principle and prerequisite for "One Country, Two Systems." This assertion encapsulates the crux of the issue. That is to say, it is necessary to consider the reasons that Hong Kong's disciplined services initially adopted a passive stance toward the protesters (their "children"), with some even participating in demonstrations, and why there was an incident at the empty Legislative Council building. However, in the wake of the central government's position, these very same local vested-interest groups adopted an aggressive stance, leading to the arrest of protesters and the suppression of riots. This has now created the awkward situation of "imperial armies clashing with each other." The fundamental motivation is elucidated in the proposition that "safeguarding national security is the paramount principle of 'One Country, Two Systems,'" thereby implying that "if you continue to fail to protect the nation, the state will revoke the privileges granted to you." This has provoked concern among Hong Kong's vested interests, indicating that the anti-extradition bill drama has not deterred the state. The aforementioned perspective represents the author's viewpoint on the outcome of the voting process concerning the Registration of Same-sex Partnerships Bill.

The 2025 Policy Address released by the Chief Executive on September 17, 2025, merits recognition for its notable rejection of the persistent demands made by real estate hegemony vested interests regarding the property market. Despite the national policy of Hong Kong, which aims to prioritize housing over speculation, the actions of Starry Lee, a member of the National People's Congress Standing Committee representing real estate interests, suggest a deviation from this policy. This deviation indicates a potential form of political corruption that exists between Hong Kong and the mainland. The "Property Purchase Capital Connect" is not a national policy; rather, it is an anti-national policy. This phenomenon exemplifies the influence of Hong Kong's vested interests, as they are able to propose anti-national policies with ease and without facing significant scrutiny. The question must be raised: where, if at all, can the concept of patriotism be applied in this context? In this regard, Chris Wat Wing Yin's TVB program, entitled "Speaking Up | The Starting Line for Homeownership: The Market is being preserved, yet the aspirations of citizens to own property are being undermined. Who Will Be to Blame When Public Resentment Rises Again?" serves as a prime illustration of the act of voicing opposition. It is recommended that the general public observe this episode. Provided that the public is cognizant of the fact that Chris Wat Wing Yin is supported by Leung Chun-ying, who is in turn supported by New World Development and Henderson Land, there should be no problem with accepting comments or programs that are individual and insightful. Indeed, this is the sole point that can be definitively confirmed in the Chief Executive's 2025 Policy Address. The Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce, a prominent bastion of entrenched interests, had advocated for reductions in stamp duty and the implementation of measures such as the "Property Purchase Capital Connect." However, these proposals were not incorporated into the final legislation. However, the threshold for investment properties, which its spokesperson Jeffrey Lam Kin-fung—a representative of Hong Kong's vested interests—has persistently advocated for, has been attained. The fundamental issue is that the Policy Address, as it is currently constituted, does not constitute a compendium of specific policies; rather, it delineates the trajectory for the foreseeable year's routine governance. Routine matters are addressed with regularity, while highly controversial subjects are generally excluded from the Policy Address. The policies contained therein do not constitute reforms. It is disheartening to observe that the establishment of task forces or specialized departments under various pretexts merely serves as internal interest transfers, creating new management tiers, positions, and privileges—translating into substantial new expenditures. Moreover, modifications to subsidies and allowances are equivalent to routine ATM-style disbursements, quantitative adjustments, or public relations gestures within the prevailing framework. In summary, there is an absence of authentic reform or innovation capable of addressing the prevailing challenges. The authentic reform that has been observed is the adoption of mainland design standards for the Northern Link and the Hong Kong-Shenzhen Western Railway (Hung Shui Kiu to Qianhai). This perspective delineates the trajectory that Hong Kong's reform efforts should pursue. A common misconception is that the so-called "mainland standards" are regional rather than national. The aforementioned standards should be designated as "national standards." The implementation of national standards is a critical component of authentic reform in Hong Kong. However, in areas such as tobacco control policy, Hong Kong should continue to assume a leadership role, with the objective of optimization and development in the rare instances where its development outstrips that of the mainland. In the context of education policy, the foundation for authentic patriotic education in Hong Kong is contingent upon the proactive implementation of Mandarin policy. It is widely acknowledged among supporters of both the DPP (Taiwan independence) and the KMT (maintaining the status quo) that the most successful policy following the Nationalist government's reoccupation of Taiwan was education policy, particularly the implementation of Mandarin policy. A review of the Chief Executive's 2025 Policy Address indicates that Hong Kong's vested interests continue to demonstrate reluctance in advancing Mandarin policies. In contrast to the cases of Hong Kong and Macau, which were incorporated into China under the "One Country, Two Systems" framework as a result of their status as spoils of war or as neutral nations, Taiwan was reclaimed from a defeated power. This distinction delineates a divergent decolonization trajectory, with the decolonization processes in the former two regions remaining stagnant. This illustration demonstrates that in implementing the post-war Mandarin policy, the Kuomintang underwent a protracted decolonization process. This stark contrast suggests that Hong Kong's patriotic education, particularly within the context of "One Country, Two Systems," is deficient in its lack of a comprehensive Mandarin policy. The Hong Kong government and its so-called disciplined services have demonstrated an unequivocal lack of intention to promote Mandarin policy. Despite the passage of twenty-eight years since the transition of sovereignty, the socio-political landscape remains largely unaltered from the era of British colonial rule. It is imperative to define the specific nature of the "reform" or "deepening reform" that is the subject of this discourse. The aforementioned "reform" has not been clearly defined. The question arises as to how one might "deepen" reforms that were never implemented in the first place. Therefore, the true indicator of Hong Kong's entry into an era of patriotic education is contingent upon the implementation and promotion of Mandarin policies. Hong Kong's apparent indifference and disregard toward Mandarin and national policies are deeply entrenched. This Cantonese enclave in Hong Kong has demonstrated a flagrant disregard for violations of national policy and has obstinately refused to recognize Mandarin as the legitimate primary official language. This pernicious habit stems from misinterpretations of "One Country, Two Systems" and the consequences of cognitive warfare. Consequently, the 2025 Policy Address mirrors the entrenched interests' inclination to preserve the prevailing state of affairs, perpetuating the lackadaisical governance of the forthcoming year with an absence of novel concepts. Furthermore, the previously anticipated reintroduction of the Public Rental Housing (PRH) Tenants Purchase Scheme in the 2025 Policy Address is a policy that is both advantageous and problematic. Despite the opposition of the real estate industry, which is focused on speculation, a significant number of wealthy PRH tenants and speculators will acquire PRH units with the intention of reselling them, regardless of the launch price. The Policy Address underscores the importance of enhancing the homeownership ladder to facilitate greater access to homeownership for public housing tenants. However, some scholars have raised concerns about the fairness of this approach. The eminent housing policy scholar Lok Sang Ho advances the following argument: The practice of acquiring a unit at a price below its market value, subsequently selling it for a profit, is a subject of significant concern. These resources, intended for those who demonstrate a genuine need, are being utilized in a manner that deviates from the established principle of their allocation." While this statement may appear to align with the interests of the general public, it should be noted that Lok Sang Ho is a representative of the real estate industry, which is in opposition to the national policy of "housing for living, not speculation." Specifically, Lok Sang Ho is a graduate of the Department of Economics at the University of Hong Kong and a PhD in Economics from the University of Toronto. ‘The most viable solution, which would offer numerous benefits, would be to eliminate the "spicy" measures: namely, the abolition of all property market restrictions, with a particular focus on the Additional Stamp Duty.’ This duplicitous behavior, characterized by the simultaneous adoption of a seemingly compassionate stance towards the working class while concurrently engaging in actions that appear to contradict this sentiment, is a manifestation of what can be termed "hypocrisy." These "Buddha-faced" representatives of real estate hegemony, the "Compassionate Saviors," have become pervasive within Hong Kong's academic circles. It must be acknowledged that ensuring the allocation of public housing or subsidized flats to those who are genuinely in need in Hong Kong is an arduous task. This phenomenon can be attributed primarily to the actions of unethical administrators who lack empathy and competence, and who are entrenched in an elitist individualistic ideology. This ideology manifests in the exploitation of the economically disadvantaged while fostering an apprehension of the affluent. Additionally, there is a prevalent mindset that encourages acquiescence to authority. It is imperative to ascertain the entity responsible for ensuring equitable distribution. The question remains: who is capable of achieving this level of success? This predicament is of significant practical concern. Hong Kong currently has a significant void in this regard.

The local pulse of life cannot be adequately captured by the desk reports of diplomats stationed in Mid-Levels or Repulse Bay. Their reports, devoid of emotional content, are merely compilations of mainstream international media coverage. It is evident that authentic intelligence analysis encompasses the domain of tourism. The author recently undertook a journey through Guangdong Province. Northbound consumption functions as the social catalyst propelling Hong Kong's reform and represents the unavoidable trajectory towards comprehensive unification and integration between China and Hong Kong. The ensuing discourse will present a concise array of observations. In stark contrast to the practices of Hong Kong tour groups, which frequently direct mainland tourists to luxury boutiques on Canton Road for the benefit of Western investors, mainland tour groups instead guide Hong Kong visitors to suburban eateries and creative hubs. These suburban eateries and creative hubs, which are akin to Kaohsiung's Pier-2 Art District, support small and medium-sized enterprises. This configuration is optimal. It is evident that travelers can discern the national mindset and the CCP's people-friendly policies underlying these initiatives. It has been observed that both parties have initiated comparable measures to provide relief to SMEs. These measures have been implemented with the objective of enhancing the region's tourism appeal, a goal that has been pursued through the encouragement of original brands and the promotion of unique local crafts and food products. The former People's Communes have undergone a transformation, becoming mainland art districts. This stark contrast reveals differing policy philosophies and underlying political forces between mainland China and Hong Kong. A comparison of Hong Kong with mainland cities, particularly those in Guangdong, reveals the region's competitive challenges. These challenges manifest in the form of price wars and battles over value for money. However, the recent surge in closures serves as a testament to the impending failure of Hong Kong's value-for-money strategy. Hong Kong's commercial establishments have demonstrated a voluntary reduction in prices. However, the city's policy, as well as the collusion between officials and business interests to maintain exorbitant rents — including landlord profit-sharing schemes — have obstructed normal price adjustments. This has resulted in Hong Kong's inability to compete with surrounding Chinese regions. As previously stated, initiatives such as Creative Commons or the Pier-2 Art District serve as measures to alleviate rental pressures on SMEs. The exorbitant cost of commercial real estate has had a significant impact on small businesses, particularly in the cultural and creative industries. These industries are facing challenges in maintaining operations due to the high cost of rent, which has led to a situation where many businesses are unable to remain in their current locations. Consequently, Leung Chun-ying's appeal to commercial landlords in Mid-Levels to consider reducing their rental rates appears to be a futile gesture. The implementation of such policies necessitates the presence of a genuine strongman. Fortunately, both mainland China and Taiwan have avoided the same fate as Hong Kong. It is evident that the policy drivers underpinning these outcomes are distinct.

Luckin Coffee is the first destination selected by the author in the morning following awakening in the downtown area. In any case, it should be noted that only Luckin Coffee and the proximate wet market, which consists of numerous street stalls, are operational at such an early hour. In every location, the staff displays a welcoming and courteous demeanor, and the recommended coffees are distinctive and palatable. The recent selection of film actresses Tang Wei (Lust, Caution) and Liu Yifei (Mulan) as brand ambassadors signifies an internationalization of the company's image. These two prominent Chinese figures have gained international recognition, particularly the latter, who has become a political casualty in the context of the contentious anti-extradition movement. Despite the loss of access to Hollywood, a city that is historically dominated by the U.S. Democratic Party, it is imperative for China's leading domestic brands and the nation as a whole to extend their support to her. In instances where their fellow citizens encounter political persecution in foreign nations, these individuals are entitled to the support and protection of their country of origin. This phenomenon is a fundamental aspect of the divine order. Additionally, Luckin Coffee's strategic efforts in cultivating its image are noteworthy. This phenomenon encapsulates the nation's ethos, representing a matter of profound spiritual significance. The question arises as to whether Hong Kong exhibits a comparable degree of social compassion. The fundamental ambiguity of the situation is evident. In the context of "internationalization," a certain sophistry has been advanced, asserting that Hong Kongers exhibit the highest degree of internationalization among the Chinese populace. This assertion, however, remains shrouded in ambiguity, controversy, and discriminatory undertones. The intended audience of this text remains unclear. This inquiry seeks to ascertain whether there is an ethnic group that was born in Hong Kong. The status of permanent residents in this context warrants further examination. It is not clear whether the subjects are Cantonese tribal villagers. It is evident that these commentators must travel abroad in order to gain a comprehensive understanding of the matter at hand. It is imperative to acknowledge that the vast majority of Chinese individuals encountered in any given country are mainlanders, or individuals originating from the mainland. The presence of the mainland Chinese diaspora is pervasive, evidenced by the establishment of cohesive local communities that exhibit remarkable economic resilience and survival aptitude, often exceeding the norms observed in the general population. In even the most remote and isolated foreign villages, the vast majority of local Chinese individuals encountered are from the mainland, and they all demonstrate a high level of proficiency in the local foreign language. Therefore, it can be concluded that the region of China that has achieved the highest degree of internationalization is the mainland, as opposed to Hong Kong. A notable finding of the present study is that individuals residing in mainland China exhibit a higher degree of internationalization compared to those residing in Hong Kong. In this context, the term "internationalization" should not be equated with colonialism or a governance style that involves the granting of concessions. In summary, while the population of mainland China engages in the development of numerous pioneering brand enterprises within their own borders, with the objective of maintaining competitiveness in the global market, they also concurrently cultivate extensive overseas Chinese networks and international connections on a global scale. It is imperative to acknowledge the significant influence of overseas Chinese networks and interactions, which are evident in the Chinese characteristics and street scenes of the former. The latter is indicative of true internationalization. Consequently, the so-called "internationalization" observed in Hong Kong is merely a vestige of its colonial past, manifesting in the use of English on Hong Kong Island and the cultural influences that accompany it. The superficiality of these individuals, who are often referred to as "elites," is a subject of concern.

Mainland China has already achieved a social environment that is predominantly electronic in nature, a stage of social development that Hong Kong has yet to reach. The so-called new-quality productive forces have, in fact, already emerged. During a visit to Dongguan's technology research and development hub, I patronized a 7-Eleven and perused the local offerings in the beverage sector. The payment mechanisms at these establishments did not resemble the cash registers commonly found in Hong Kong or Japan during the 1990s; rather, they were fully electronic payment systems. The People's Republic of China offers a plethora of brands of electronic payment terminals, including well-known names such as: The following companies were identified: SUNMI, TPV, HiStone, LANDI, Keruyun, Zhongke Yingtai, Aojia, Fuzhanggui, and Yijietong. It has been demonstrated that these brands provide smart payment terminals and integrated hardware/software solutions for a variety of industries, including but not limited to catering, retail, and hospitality. Indeed, the most prevalent materialist historical perspective and the most everyday manifestation of new-quality productive forces are already evident in mainland China's daily transactions. Specifically, the implementation of nationwide electronic payment systems has led to the eradication of counterfeit currency. The advent of new-quality productive forces invariably gives rise to a fundamental restructuring of social relations within any given era. This initiative has already led to significant changes in social relations and has contributed to enhancing public safety. The elimination of counterfeit currency is associated with a reduction in crimes that are predicated on its use. Such crimes include, but are not limited to, fraudulent "black shop" scams, in which illegal vendors falsely accuse customers of using counterfeit bills. This phenomenon constitutes a paradigm shift, a true revolution. The advanced manifestation of socialism, as evidenced in contemporary society, does not stem from propagandistic rhetoric; rather, it is embedded in the fabric of daily life, exemplified by the emergence of new-quality productive forces. Mao Zedong's regime was characterized by a concerted effort to eradicate the use of narcotics. Xi Jinping has led the eradication of counterfeit currency. These accomplishments are attributable to authentic Marxism, representing the actions of revolutionary forces aligned with authentic socialism. Indeed, a mainland 7-Eleven already exemplifies the integration of new-quality productive forces. Consequently, the development of new-quality productive forces in mainland China cannot be considered a utopian fantasy or a mere slogan; even rudimentary examples of mainland life serve as evidence of new-type productive forces.

John Lee's reference to "red tourism sites" is a misinterpretation of the concept of patriotism. True patriotism is defined by a genuine concern for the well-being of the nation. The phenomenon under scrutiny does not consist of superficial slogans, public relations, or the facade of sightseeing tourism. Patriotism and love for one's country are two sides of the same coin, both manifestations of concern for the nation and its people. The concept of patriotism in Hong Kong is often considered to be divorced from authentic national concern. As indicated in the Department of Justice report on the Registration of Same-Sex Partnerships Bill, the following statement is made: ‘The Court of Final Appeal (by majority vote) rejected the Government's argument that the operation of special laws precludes the establishment of an alternative legal framework, or that establishing such a framework would undermine the unique status of the institution of marriage.’ This suggests that when the Hong Kong government enacted the Registration of Same-sex Partnerships Bill by force, it was cognizant of the fact that "establishing an alternative legal framework would undermine the unique status of the institution of marriage" (as presented in the government's own objection to the Court of Final Appeal). Consequently, when the government's loyalists vigorously promoted this bill in the Legislative Council, the Hong Kong government consciously perpetrated this act. It is imperative to examine the rationale behind the decision to categorize this as a matter of concern for the nation and its people. During travels in Guangdong, it was unfortunate to observe that some Hong Kong tourists exhibited political extremism. Descendants of anti-communist refugees who fled to colonial Hong Kong in the 1950s and 1960s often react with dissatisfaction when tour guides recount mainland history. This extreme reaction, characteristic of the former opposition camp, has resulted in considerable friction between the two regions. The peculiar and seemingly illogical phenomenon pertains to the behavior of Hong Kong residents who harbor anti-China sentiments. These individuals are willing to travel to the mainland to expend financial resources yet concurrently exhibit a strong aversion and vehement opposition to mainlanders engaging in discourse concerning their nation and history. This phenomenon is indicative of a profoundly distorted and abnormal political mindset among Hong Kong residents, characterized by an inability to form unified, rational consistency. Observing the persistent vestiges and contentious aftermath of the 2019 events is a matter of profound dismay and ignominy. While the mainland has advised Hong Kong to prepare mentally, the Hong Kong government has done little to foster such mental preparedness among its residents, resulting in the same recurring friction.

The preceding text delineates the political landscape and commentary on Hong Kong's situation in September 2025. The realization that as long as the national constitution, state policies, and democratic votes align, the people and the legislature can overturn Hong Kong government proposals and final court rulings that violate state policy was the most significant development this month. This development effectively thwarts yet another attempt at a new type of peaceful evolution orchestrated from Hong Kong. This development signifies a substantial advancement in the field.