Hong Kong Intelligence Report #158 Hong Kong Reforms and Media Literacy: Responding to Decisions, not Opinions

Ryota Nakanishi
Jul 20
13 min read

Updated: Jul 22

Open-source intelligence (OSINT)

A person with a camera stands on a rock, overlooking a vast cityscape with skyscrapers and a shimmering bay under a cloudy sky. — FILE PHOTO: Back side of asia woman photographer standing and shooting after climbing the peak of hong kong © Envato

🔻 IMPORTANT - Hong Kong Reforms and Media Literacy

▪️The present analysis (Hong Kong Reforms and Media Literacy) will focus on the initial six months of the year 2025. Firstly, it is important to note that observation and monitoring of the events in Hong Kong have persisted since the previous article, albeit without the publication of any written documents. It is imperative to exercise discernment in the documentation of developments, as certain developments must be meticulously evaluated prior to their inclusion in the documentation process. These developments are subject to confirmation before they can be incorporated into the documentation. Secondly, the fundamental principle of media literacy dictates that one should respond to actions (decisions) rather than mere opinions. The aforementioned opinions encompass a wide array of sources, including public relations stunts, commercial advertisements, informal recommendations, speculative assumptions, conjectures, unconfirmed reports, analytical assessments, and personal commentary, among others. This principle is predicated on the notion that it curtails the superfluous expenditure of time, financial resources, and labor. Furthermore, it has the potential to mitigate propaganda risks in advance.

In summary, the decisions made by decision makers are the only factors that should be given consideration by the relevant populace. Thirdly, comprehending the nuances of the local mindset, the essence of local life, and the intricacies of local political machinations necessitates direct engagement with the city. The prevailing standards are established by the proletariat and precariat majority. Consequently, diplomats engaged in bureaucratic affairs are predominantly in contact with the affluent bureaucratic elite, which is largely isolated from the broader societal landscape. A notable pitfall is the tendency to assume that reading and referring to mainstream media content is sufficient for comprehending the public opinion of real individuals. However, the media narrative frequently deviates from reality and exhibits a lack of dynamic diversification. The contemporary media has been characterized as a tool for the promotion of capitalist interests and the pursuit of individual agendas. Therefore, the ruling classes employ the creation of illusions and imageries to shape the perception of "reality," "society," "state," and "world." Consequently, conducting our own analysis of the media content circulating in society is imperative to safeguard against being deceived and wrongly radicalized. Hong Kong is widely regarded as a city characterized by a pervasive culture of fraud and a conspicuous absence of humanitarian values. It is often viewed as a colonial outpost, a concession under the "1C2S" agreement, which assumes a gradual and peaceful integration into China. Therefore, the assertion that "1C2S" and full integration are in policy conflict is fallacious. It is merely a matter of time before this integration occurs. The subject of this article is presented here. The United Kingdom continues to exercise significant influence over various sectors, including but not limited to the airline industry, currency issuance, retail, security and private armies, education, law, and energy supply. This enduring influence is perpetuated by the actions of former Shanghai oligarchs who have established themselves in Hong Kong, such as the Jardine, Kadoorie, Swire, and Sassoon families. The concept of "political entrepreneurs" (political businessmen) in Hong Kong is a term that is typically used to describe individuals who engage in activities that align with the political landscape of the region. These individuals are often referred to as "compradors," a term that encapsulates their role in the political economy of Hong Kong. It has been posited that both the "pro-establishment" and "opposition" celebrities can be considered compradors and landowners who act in the corporatist, localist ecology. The ultimate grip of both camps is in the hands of the prominent unifying entity, such as VISION 2047. Moreover, the most proficient British agent in Hong Kong remains the HKSARG. In the aftermath of 1997, Britain adopted a pacifist stance toward China, primarily aimed at safeguarding its gains acquired since the Opium War. This inclination is exemplified by the perspective held by Blaise Metreweli concerning Russia and China.

Blaise Metreweli: It is imperative to acknowledge that the threat posed by Russian state activity, as opposed to the Russian nation itself, persists. Additionally, China's evolving role and influence in global affairs have profound implications for the UK, presenting a multifaceted scenario that encompasses both unprecedented opportunities and considerable challenges.

Provided that the government of China grants its approval, it is imperative for the residents of Hong Kong to comprehend and acknowledge the necessity of maintaining neutrality. The final analysis may offer a suitable stance for people in the midst of local and international conflicts, provided that it does not result in decision-making. A subsequent discussion will be devoted to an analysis of several recent events.

▪️The present status of Hong Kong's reform efforts indicates that the central government has played a pivotal role in implementing significant changes. A close examination of the discourse among prominent figures in the Hong Kong reform debate reveals a notable shift in their positions, evoking a sense of strategic maneuvering and inconsistency. Their volatility in terms of coercive opinion is indicative of their petty bourgeois class nature. The most notable instance observed in 2025 was Ta Kung Pao's significant shift in perspective regarding their portrayal of Hong Kong oligarchs as "patriots." This shift was marked by their abrupt change in stance, wherein they went from portraying CK Hutchison, Li Ka-shing, the preeminent capitalist and a prominent figure in Hong Kong society, as a "patriot" (as referenced in their theme song, "Below the Lion Rock" from 1979) to expressing strong opposition to him following the scandal involving the sale of managerial rights at the Panama Canal to the United States on March 13, 2025. The decision by the Trump administration to reclaim the canal was met with opposition. From March until the end of April, the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office of the State Council cited Ta Kung Pao's ordered articles against CK Hutchison and Li Ka-shing. The most significant "reform" that can be identified in this event is the initial implementation of the anti-monopoly law of the state in Hong Kong and other regions. This reform can be regarded as the most significant since the implementation of the HKNSL in 2020. The analysis posits that the Hong Kong and Macao Affairs Office of the State Council (HKMAO) ceased to cite the articles of Ta Kung Pao. The primary rationale pertains to a shift in circumstances. The involvement of COSCO Shipping, a state-owned enterprise, in the aforementioned transactions or analogous mediating endeavors has become evident. A less significant factor is that, as was customary, Ta Kung Pao initiated the beautification of other Hong Kong real estate magnates, such as the late Lee Shau-kee (died on March 17, 2025). A meticulous observation was made to ascertain whether the CCP makes reference to their article that draws parallels between "patriot" Lee Shau-kee and "betrayed" CK Hutchison, Li Ka-shing. The result could have been critical in its ability to accurately ascertain the state of mind of the CCP. The intention of the parties in question is not explicitly expressed in the text; rather, their true signals are always located in nuance, tone, subtle changes in detail, and arrangement. A thorough decoding analysis is imperative for a comprehensive understanding of CCP's signals. Furthermore, a notable development is the overt opposition of the so-called "pro-establishment" camp, comprising Jeffrey Lam and Regina Yip, to CK Hutchison and Li Ka-shing, the preeminent capitalist. The CCP demonstrated its authority as the legitimate governing body of the city, thereby superseding the influence of capitalist entities and the localist government. However, the primary culpability for the scandal lies with the HKSARG, particularly John Lee Ka-chiu, who failed to prevent CK Hutchison, Li Ka-shing, from engaging in the controversial port deals. Consequently, Zheng Yanxiong was dismissed from his positions as Director of the Liaison Office of the Central People's Government in Hong Kong and from all Hong Kong and national security structures. It is ironic that while state bureaucrats are strictly held accountable for any undesirable events that threaten the state, Hong Kong government officials are not held to the same standard of accountability. This contradiction suggests that the state should consider amending Article 22 of the Basic Law. Such an amendment would establish a direct accountability framework for the bureaucracy, aligning it with the general relationship between superiors and staff. In this context, it is imperative to elucidate that the state is an organism that does not equate with the political leader, party, cabinet, government, or bureaucracy. Consequently, any entity that acts in opposition to the state's interests, including the political leader, the party, the cabinet, the government, or the bureaucracy, is considered a betrayal of the state. It is incumbent upon the people to safeguard the state. Consequently, the populace will be less inclined to unquestioningly endorse governmental entities.

▪️Secondly, John Lee Ka-chiu's pseudo-reforms, particularly the superficial PR stunts that cost millions of dollars, are a source of frustration for the general public. These ‘reforms’, perceived as superficial, may be indicative of an attempt to reinforce the interests of the privileged at the expense of the economically disadvantaged and vulnerable. On June 13, 2025, John Lee announced the development of a "senior officials accountability system" intended to enhance governance. However, the initiative appears to be a localist measure aimed at preventing the CCP from dissolving the HKSARG or amending Article 22 of the Basic Law. The bureaucracy of Hong Kong, in general, utilizes a duplicitous strategy that involves a web of regulations (Shou-ze) and legal provisions (the law, ordinances), which are often interpreted in a manner that is both contradictory and deceptive. The former serves as a primary mechanism for deflecting any criticisms directed towards the institution or its corporate allies, effectively avoiding accountability. In essence, the law is the only entity that possesses the capacity to enforce its own mandates. Conversely, Zheng Yanxiong's final reform of Hong Kong coincided with his precise prediction of his tenure's conclusion. The following events transpired on May 13 and June 13, 2025, respectively: the formulation of subsidiary legislation under the Safeguarding National Security Ordinance and the adjudication of the "Six arrested in HK for allegedly endangering national security" case. Hong Kong's efforts to dismantle the intricate network of connections established during the opium trade in the past have proven unsuccessful. This network, known as the triad web, has persisted for centuries and continues to exert significant influence in various aspects of society. It is evident that these actors systematically penetrate law enforcement agencies. Therefore, it is equally impossible to eradicate the future possibility of surprising betrayals and sabotage by the HKSARG establishment itself. This provides the rationale for amending the law to include the forceful co-joint operations in law enforcement. This substantial reform was evidently initiated by the central government and Zheng Yanxiong, drawing upon the lessons of the 2019 incident and the inadequate law enforcement demonstrated by 178. The prominent Hong Kong SAR figures have repeatedly emphasized that the amendment does not confer any new rights upon the Office for Safeguarding National Security. This outcome is indicative of the subjects' typical reluctance to engage with the subject matter. IOMed? Its function remains ambiguous; it is unclear whether it is merely decorative or if it holds some significance. Hong Kong's approach toward developing countries is marked by bias and indifference, and its purported "expertise" in pure commercial laws, as opposed to international politics, is increasingly questionable. Furthermore, it is exceedingly costly for developing countries to engage in and contribute to the mitigation process in this Far East region. Moreover, Victor Li, the son of Li Ka-Shing, was not included in the Chief Executive's Council of Advisors on June 27, 2025. However, Victor Fung, a prominent figure in Hong Kong politics, a senior member of the ‘pro-establishment’ camp, a contributor to VISION 2047, and a consultant to the government from the British colonial era, remains a part of the aforementioned council. Consequently, Victor Li's departure does not alter the fundamental character of Hong Kong politics or the HKSARG in its broader context.

▪️Thirdly, the economy is to be considered. An analysis of the concept of "prosperity" as promoted by the mainstream media and bureaucracy is warranted, particularly with regard to Hong Kong. As stated in the report, ‘The market capitalization stood at $42.7 trillion at the conclusion of June 2025, marking a 33% increase compared to the $32.1 trillion recorded for the corresponding period in the previous year." The surge in the stock prices of publicly traded corporations commenced in September of 2024. The Hang Seng Index experienced a 327-point surge, equivalent to a 1.3% increase, closing at 24,825 on Friday (July 18, 2025). This development represented a reversal of previous two-day losses, with all sectors contributing to the rally. The index reached its highest point in four months and increased by 2.8% for the week, signifying its second consecutive weekly gain. The robust momentum observed in mainland stocks has had a positive impact on market sentiment, following Beijing's recent commitment to regulate significant price reductions implemented by Chinese firms. Hong Kong's technology index experienced a 1.7% surge, driven by a sense of optimism following Nvidia's strategic decision to augment the supply of China-compliant H20 chips and debut advanced chip models in the market. Solid gains were observed in the consumer and financial sectors, as U.S. President Trump eased his stance toward China, thereby fueling hopes for a trade deal ahead of the August 12 deadline.’ It is possible to identify the specific dates on which the surge of speculation in the financial markets coincided with the allocation of capital to publicly traded corporations. The initial commencement date is set for September 11, 2024, followed by January 13, 2025, and April 7, 2025, respectively. The three waves of astronomic stock manipulation resulted in a massive daily average amount of 200-250 billion dollars, as observed. The crux of the matter pertains to the real economy. The remaining reliable date is PMI. ‘The S&P Global Hong Kong SAR PMI registered a reading of 47.8 in June 2025, marking a decline from the previous month's figure of 49.0. This development signifies the lowest recorded level since March 2022 and signifies the fifth successive month of contraction in private sector activity. The output index exhibited a decline at the most precipitous rate in the past year, while the new orders index demonstrated a contraction at the most accelerated rate in over three years. Sales to both mainland China and overseas markets experienced a more precipitous decline. In the context of diminished production needs, firms exhibited a sixth consecutive month of reduced purchasing activity, concurrently addressing accumulated backlogs. This occurred despite the absence of any alteration in staffing levels. A slight increase in supplier delivery times was observed, marking the end of a three-month period of enhanced performance. The rate of input cost inflation decelerated to its most modest level since January of 2021, primarily attributable to a diminution in wage-related pressures. However, a third reduction in selling prices occurred in the span of four months, with the objective of providing support to demand. Business sentiment has reached its lowest point in almost five years, a consequence of the following factors: soft domestic demand, a subdued global outlook, and uncertainty surrounding U.S. trade policy.’ The current state of the stock market, marked by its robust performance, appears to be a factor in this phenomenon. The virtual stock economy does not contribute to the real economy of Hong Kong, which is experiencing stagnant and weak real economic activities. Despite the evident correlation between the PMI of October 2024 and the initial surge of the first wave, the data for January and May of 2025 demonstrate a distinctly divergent trend, marked by a notable increase in the stock market. The influx of capital, often referred to as "hot money," did not contribute to the expansion of Hong Kong's real economic activities. PMI 50: A PMI (Purchasing Managers' Index) of 50 indicates that the manufacturing sector, or a specific sector within it, is experiencing neither expansion nor contraction compared to the previous month. This phenomenon is indicative of a state of equilibrium, with an equal proportion of businesses reporting increases in activity as those reporting decreases. The veracity of Hong Kong's economic circumstances is substantiated by both the astute observations of citizens and the PMI data, which contradict the notion of 'prosperity.' In the contemporary context, characterized by the disconnection between the stock market and the real economy, the true status of the former is evident. The question thus arises as to the current location of the substantial financial resources that are presumed to be inflowing into the "real economy" of Hong Kong. The subsequent inquiry pertains to the location of the aforementioned object. To whom does this money benefit?

❗The prevailing ideological orientation in Hong Kong is characterized by a distinct blend of stateless localism and primitive Cantonese tribalism, manifesting in various forms. Furthermore, the resulting systematic discriminations become embedded within the structure. Its political tendency is characterized by compradors, marked by a deliberate distinction from China. The status quo is accepted as reality by the CCP, and thus the true adversary of this city is not the U.S. but rather a proliferation of transnational criminal organizations. The assertion by former U.S. Consul General Gregory May that this city should address the threat posed by TCOs to the lives of individuals in both the United States and Hong Kong is a valid one. May: The United States' relationship with Hong Kong is characterized by effective communication and collaborative efforts in addressing mutual concerns, particularly in the domains of countering drug trafficking and preventing fraudulent activities. It was further noted that a number of legislators have expressed a willingness to engage in dialogue, notwithstanding their divergent views on specific US and Hong Kong policies. "There remains a segment within certain echelons of the government that continues to prioritize collaborative endeavors," he stated. Gregory May is right. The real enemies are not professional actors. They are actually transnational criminals. These criminals exploit the fulfillment of R2P political imperatives. It is imperative to elucidate the rationale behind Gregory May's reluctance to explicitly denote the appellation of the 'group' within the HKSARG. The subject at hand is not related to conspiracy theories; rather, it concerns the Security Bureau, which, like any other law enforcement agency in any country, must collaborate with other nations. The statement suggests that the current situation is at risk from political radicals on both sides. He supports the important relationship between the United States and Hong Kong, China, which is important for law enforcement. This apprehension underscores the perception that Hong Kong remains underdeveloped and ill-equipped in this domain. It is imperative to recognize that law enforcement should not decouple, even in times of war. Failure to do so would allow transnational criminals to exploit political conflicts for their own benefit. It is imperative to circumvent unwarranted radicalization in all circumstances. It is imperative to maintain the principles of bilateralism in all aspects of governance. It is imperative to distinguish between the political sphere and other domains of societal engagement. This perspective is often not fully grasped by the "professional" Hong Kong swindlers in media and the establishment. As I know, it’s only the U.S. that tackles the TCOs in Hong Kong. Hong Kong's historical role as a slave trade hub in the East precedes its relocation to Macau in the nineteenth century. Despite this transition, the city continues to function as a nexus for transnational criminal activities, including smuggling and human trafficking.